The Last Voyage: To India and Australia, in the 'Sunbeam'

To a surer issue.

Society must take to itself the responsibility for the preference given to clerical over mechanical employments. We have not done our duty in giving to our skilled workmen that social recognition which is their due. But I am happy to say that in the old country we are decidedly in the way of amendment. The return of working men in greater numbers to the House of Commons has been productive of much good in a social point of view.

'In conclusion, it may not be inappropriate to the occasion to dwell for a few moments on the influences of honest trade in raising the standard of civilisation and elevating the character of men. The prosperity of commerce depends on intelligence, on industry, but above all on character. Cleverness may sometimes win a stroke. There have been financiers in the City of London whose career might have been painted in the language applied by Earl Russell to Mirabeau – "His mind raised him to the skies; his moral character chained him to the earth." I can quote no instance in which men of this stamp have achieved an enduring success. It is not the men whose craft and cunning people fear, but the men in whom they trust and whom they love who in the end succeed. It is the office of commerce to give to the world perpetual illustrations of the homely but ennobling truth that honesty is the best policy. Commerce puts before those engaged in it many temptations. The good man of business must rise superior to them all, and thus it is that in his life and work he can do so much to communicate advantages, to advance material welfare, and to raise the tone of morals. Such, and not less, is the mission of the merchant and the trader. For myself, I am proud to know that I am the son of a contractor for public works, whose good reputation was the best part of the heritage which descended to his sons.'

Melbourne, June 25th, 1887

A complimentary dinner was tendered to Lord Brassey, K.C.B., the hon. treasurer of the Imperial Federation League, by the members of the Victorian branch of the League, at the Town Hall on Saturday evening. The banquet was laid in the council chamber, and about eighty gentlemen sat down to the tables. The chair was occupied by Mr. G.D. Carter, M.L.A., president of the Victorian branch. On his right were the guest of the evening, the Premier (Mr. Duncan Gillies), and the Postmaster-General of Queensland (Mr. M'Donald Paterson), and on his left the Mayor of Melbourne (Councillor Cain), the President of the Legislative Council (Sir James MacBain), Mr. Justice Webb, and Mr. Nicholas Fitzgerald, M.L.C. The company included a large number of other prominent citizens, many of them not being members of the League. In giving the toast of 'The Queen,' the Chairman said that they could not better have given expression to their loyalty to Her Majesty than by meeting to advocate the unity of the empire over which she reigned. The assemblage of representative citizens for such a purpose formed a most appropriate conclusion to those rejoicings in which we had so happily shared during the week of Jubilee.

The toast was received with enthusiasm, and a verse of the National Anthem was sung.

The Chairman gave the toast of 'His Excellency the Governor.'

The toast was received with cheers.

The Chairman next proposed the toast of 'Imperial Federation.' They had no definite views at present on the subject of Imperial Federation. The point to which they had got was this, that they desired to see the empire united as one inseparable whole. We were bound together by the ties of kindred, kith, and kin, and he even dared to hope that the view expressed by Mr. James Anthony Froude when he was here would be realised, and that there would eventually be a union of the English-speaking peoples of the world for the purpose of mutual defence. On behalf of the Victorian branch of the Imperial Federation League, and of the colony generally, he offered a cordial welcome to Lord Brassey, and trusted that he would carry away with him pleasant recollections of his visit to Victoria.

Lord Brassey said: 'As the treasurer of the Imperial Federation League established in London, it affords me the greatest gratification to be your guest this evening. Our work in the old country would be of little value, unless it were approved and supported by public opinion in these great and growing colonies. Speaking on behalf of the Imperial Federation League in London, we have no cut-and-dried plans which we are anxious to put forward. We see great difficulties in arriving at any solution of the question of federation; but with their growth in population, in wealth, and in resources, we anticipate that we shall see more and more a manly resolve on the part of the colonies, not only to make provision for their own defence, but to share in the responsibility of the defence of the united empire. With your increased participation in the burdens, you must necessarily receive an increased share in determining the policy of the empire, and thus we see looming in the not far distant future the necessity for further consideration of the problem of federation. We do not desire, we should deprecate, a hasty solution. We believe that probably the wisest course will be to deal with circumstances as they arise. We wish to pave the way by timely and temperate discussion. The views of the founders of the Imperial Federation League were well put, in one of his latest speeches, by a grand statesman of the old country, Mr. W.E. Forster, the first president of the League, who said: – "The idea of the permanent unity of the realm, the duty of preserving this union, the blessings which this preservation will confer, the danger and loss and disaster which will follow from disunion, are thoughts which possess the minds of Englishmen both here and over the seas. These thoughts are expressing themselves in deeds; let this expression continue; at present it helps our cause far more effectually than any possible scheme." I am not one of those who ever doubted the loyalty of the colonies to Old England. If any Englishmen were in doubt as to the feeling of the colonies towards the mother country, the events of the past week in this noble city of Melbourne would dispel effectually any uncertainty. On Tuesday last we saw your militia march past like a wall, to the tune of "The Old Folks at Home." That may be a somewhat homely melody, but it conveyed a touching sentiment to the spectator from the old country. On the following day a ball was given at Government House, an entertainment the splendour of which could hardly have been exceeded in any capital in Europe. That entertainment owed its character not merely to the graceful hospitality of the host and hostess on the occasion, but to the eager desire of those who were present to seize the occasion for showing their attachment to the Queen, in whose honour and in whose name that ball was given. On the following day in your Parliament Buildings, which, by the beauty of their design and the amplitude of their proportions express your greatness in the present and anticipate your growth in the future, a noble hall was dedicated, with a generous spirit of loyalty, to the name of the Queen. On the evening of the same day we attended a concert at which thousands of your citizens were present. On four several and separate occasions the National Anthem was sung, and on each occasion with increasing fervour. On the following day 30,000 children were brought together, trained to utter the sentiments of their parents in that National Anthem which they sang so well. In journeying in some of the remoter parts of this colony, it was touching to hear "God Save the Queen" sung at every opportunity by the little children, who are thus early trained in the sentiment of loyalty. If we pass from these momentary incidents of the week to circumstances of a more permanent and perhaps more serious character, what are the conclusions which an intelligent traveller from the old country may draw, with reference to the ties which bind the colonies to the mother country? If he looks at your society and your family life, he finds the same manners, the same habits, the same ways of viewing circumstances and things. Your English tastes are shown in the houses which you build, the clothes which you wear, the food which you eat, and in the goods you buy. The national character of the Anglo-Saxon race is shown as strongly here as in the mother country in your spirited devotion to manly sports and pastimes; and when we think of the other ties that bind us – a common faith, a common literature, the same dear mother tongue – what other conclusion can be drawn by the intelligent traveller than this – that the ties which bind the colonies to the mother country are stronger than those which any legislature or statesmanship could contrive, and that they are inherent in the innermost life of the people. Gentlemen, you may call the union which binds us an empire, you may call it a federation, you may call it an offensive and defensive alliance of the closest kind – you may call it what you will – the name is of subordinate consequence while mutual sympathy and sentiment retain that binding force which, as we have seen in this Jubilee week, you are all so generously prepared to acknowledge in your relations with the old country. Perhaps I may say a few words on this occasion with reference to the mutual advantages which are afforded by our remaining together as members of a united empire. There was a time when the connection was less valued than it is at present by some of the eminent statesmen of the old country. Since the days of which I speak great changes have taken place. The map of Europe has been reconstructed on the principle of the recognition of nationalities. The Germans have made themselves into a nation; the Italians have made themselves into a nation. Our tight little island is small indeed in area, in comparison with the great territories of Continental Europe. It is small in area, but if we and the children descended from us – these great English-speaking nations which have overspread the world – remain united together, we are the first of the nationalities of Europe. I think there are some indications that the maintenance of the unity of the British Empire may be less difficult than might perhaps in former days have been anticipated. Science has done much to shorten distances; it has given us the electric telegraph, an improved and improving steamship, and railways. As the colonies grow in importance, it must necessarily follow that the Imperial policy will be concentrated more and more upon objects which are common to them and to the mother country. The foreign policy will be directed to the maintenance in security of the communications between the mother country and the colonies, an object of common interest to yourselves and to ourselves. Looking forward to a not very distant time, it is evident that your growth in population and power will give you the command of the neighbouring seas. Your relations with India will become closer and closer, and you will be in a position not less strong, and your interest will be as great as that of the mother country in preventing the hoisting of any flag hostile to your own upon the ports of India. All the countries of the British Empire will hold together, because it will be for their advantage. Trade follows the flag. While other branches of our foreign trade have been languishing, the trade with the colonies has remained flourishing and elastic. We lend you our capital on much easier terms than we would ask if you were under a foreign flag. We hold before you in external relations the shield of a great empire. The advantages of the present arrangement, from a colonial point of view, were happily put a short time ago in a speech by Sir John Macdonald, from which I will ask leave to quote two or three sentences. Speaking at Montreal, he said: "We want no independence in this country, except the independence that we have at this moment. What country in the world is more independent than we are? We have perfect independence; we have a Sovereign who allows us to do as we please. We have an Imperial Government that casts on ourselves the responsibilities as well as the privileges of self-government. We may govern ourselves as we please, we may misgovern ourselves as we please. We put a tax on the industries of our fellow-subjects in England, Ireland, and Scotland. If we are attacked, if our shores are assailed, the mighty powers of England on land and sea are used in our defence." There may be some who think that the union of the empire cannot be maintained, because it is difficult to reconcile the impetuosity of youth with the prudence of old age. They think that in the impetuosity of youth, you will resent the prudence with which the mother country holds you back. Upon a wise view of it, we find in the distinctive qualities and defects of youth and age the elements of a felicitous combination. The father of the philosophy of history, Thucydides, has attributed to Alcibiades a great truth: "Consider that youth and age have no power unless united; but that the lighter and the more exact and the middle sort of judgment, when duly attempered, are likely to be most efficient." I hope that the wise policy with which the affairs of the British Empire may be conducted will illustrate the advantage of the mutual and combined influence of the young colonies and the old country. I feel deeply grateful for the privilege of being your guest on this occasion, and for the presence of many eminent men at your table. They have not assembled here merely to pay a compliment to an individual. They have come to express their deep interest in the Imperial Federation League. I shall go back deeply touched by the love I have seen the people of these colonies show Old England, whose greatest pride it is to have been the mother of mighty nations. I cannot sit down without acknowledging on behalf of Lady Brassey the kindness which you have shown in the mention of her name. I shall be a faithful reporter of your proceedings to my dear wife. She will greatly appreciate the kind reception given to her name.'

Sydney, July 9th, 1887

A complimentary picnic was tendered to Lord Brassey on Saturday by the public works contractors of New South Wales. The picnic took the form of a trip to the Hawkesbury River, and about 150 gentlemen attended. Amongst those present were the Right Hon. W.B. Dalley, P.C., Sir John Robertson, Sir John Hay (President of the Legislative Council), Sir William Ogg, Sir Edward Strickland, Hon. Julian Salomons, Q.C., M.L.C. (Vice-President of the Executive), Hon. James Inglis (Minister of Public Instruction), Hon. F. Abigail (Minister for Mines), Hon. W. Clarke (Minister of Justice), Mr. Riley, M.P. (Mayor of Sydney), and others.

The party left Redfern in a special train shortly after nine o'clock in the morning, and arrived at Peat's Ferry about noon. At the ferry they viewed the work proceeding there in connection with the construction of the new bridge, and then went on board Captain Murray's river-boat, the 'General Gordon,' whose course was so shaped as to allow them the opportunity of seeing some of the most picturesque scenery with which the Hawkesbury abounds. On the upper deck arrangements had been made for the serving of a cold collation. Mr. J.C. Carey presided.

The Right Hon. W.B. Dalley proposed the health of 'Our distinguished guest, Lord Brassey.' In the course of his speech he said: 'Our hosts on this occasion are men who have in the construction of the great public works of this country expended about 14,000,000l. of the public funds during the last ten years. Their guest is the son of a man who had, by similar labours to those of their hosts on a gigantic scale, by means of his vast and unparalleled industrial enterprise, helped largely to change the face of the world; who had constructed some of the greatest monuments of our later civilisation in England and in India and in the British colonies, in France and in Germany, in Belgium and in Italy, in Spain, Denmark, and Russia. He was in the first rank of those benefactors of humanity, who perform prodigies of power in the control and management of their own private affairs, whose labours are extended over the whole world, and who leave on every shore the monuments of their own genius and the memorials of the power and resources of their country. For the greater portion of his eventful life he was doing a large share of the peaceful business of Europe, and nearly everywhere throughout the empire, in the erection of gigantic public works, he was earning and dispensing tens of millions, assembling in the construction of such great works the representatives of many nationalities, so that it has been said that the curious might have heard eleven different languages spoken in the execution of the same contract. He was heightening and extending the renown of Englishmen, upholding and increasing their reputation in the eyes of foreigners, and teaching lessons of greatness and of justice to the labouring millions of other nations. Here also in this colony he constructed some of the greatest of our public works. To the son of such a man, visiting our colony, it seemed right and fitting that our own public contractors should show all the honour which they could bestow upon him. In welcoming Lord Brassey to this company of men of enterprise and of large undertakings, and in asking him to meet men of representative character and position in the community, you make your compliment dearer and more precious because you are influenced by profound respect for the memory of his parent. Your guest, as a man who has served in great offices, and gained in a high degree the esteem and confidence of those who have known and watched his career, would have been entitled to a hearty welcome at the hands of British colonists for his own valuable and unselfish public services to the empire. But you have been prompted to honour, not only his personal merits and his individual labours, but the great industrial name which he bears – a name ennobled by the labour and enterprise of his father – because you are proud to associate yourselves with the career of one who had done, as you are in your smaller way endeavouring to do, much for mankind. I give you – a company of public contractors – the health of the son of the greatest of them all, the son of "Thomas Brassey."' (Cheers.)

Lord Brassey, in reply, said that he felt great difficulty in responding in worthy terms to the far too kind and flattering speech which had been made on behalf of his hosts. But it needed not a speech to express from a full heart his grateful appreciation of their kindness. He did not forget his origin. He was proud of it – (hear, hear) – and he could assure them – that if he had been spared the personal anxieties experienced by those employed in the execution of public works, he had a fellow-feeling for those who were engaged in that most valuable sphere of enterprise. The speech in which his name had been introduced to them referred – and he was glad that it did refer so largely – to the career of his dear father. He was proud to know that the opportunity was afforded to his father of performing the useful office of a pioneer of civilisation throughout the length and breadth of the world. His father entered timidly upon that career. He (Lord Brassey) had often heard him describe the day which led him to the execution of public works. At the time when the Liverpool and Manchester Railway – our first railway – was in contemplation, old George Stephenson came to see his father, then a young man, brought up as a surveyor and carrying on his business in Birkenhead, with reference to the purchase of some stone. His father conducted Mr. Stephenson to the quarry. The impression made upon Mr. Stephenson by his father was most favourable, and when he shook hands with him in the evening he said, 'Well, young man, there is something promising about you. I see a great field for railways. It would be well for you to follow my banner and enter upon this new sphere of enterprise.' The young man trembled at the idea, but he took the advice, tendered for a portion of the Liverpool railway, and during the construction of the first ten miles of that railway their guest was born. He would not enter into the details of his father's career, but he had often asked himself what was the secret of his success. He hoped he was not exaggerating his father's praise when he said that he believed his success was mainly due to his high and honest character; and if he might make one more reference to his father he would say this, that the motive which prompted him to extend his enterprise to the great limits which it ultimately reached was not primarily a love of money – it was the spirit of enterprise, and the ambition to be a constructor of great and noble works. The results which had followed from his labours were patent to all the world. They had done much to promote the prosperity of mankind. He (Lord Brassey) did not know that we could find greater evidence of the benefits of the railway system than here. These colonies could not expect prosperity without railways. The inheritance which devolved upon him as the son of his father had impressed upon him a heavy weight of responsibility; and he did most devoutly wish to turn to good account the opportunities that had been given to him. With this desire he had paid a visit to the shores of New South Wales. Every traveller who came from the old country and made friends with those living here was another link between the old country and the new. It rejoiced his heart to see so many evidences of the warm feeling of affection towards the old country, that dear mother land whose pride in and attachment to the colonies was growing stronger every year. We had seen great events happen during his short political career. We had seen Germany become a united nation, we had seen Italy become a united nation, and if the English-speaking and England-loving people intended to maintain their influence in the world, they must keep together (cheers); an united empire with local self-government was a happy solution of a great political problem. It had been rendered possible by that instinctive feeling of race which bound us all, and in that greatest gift in the science of politics – the common sense which was so eminently characteristic of the British race. He thanked them for their great kindness in receiving him on that occasion. Neither he nor his would ever forget that kindness.

At the conclusion of the speeches cheers were given for Lord and Lady Brassey.

The 'General Gordon' returned to Peat's Ferry late in the afternoon, the excursion having been a most enjoyable one, and the party reached Redfern early in the evening.

FINIS

IN MEMORIAM

notes

1

The Nawab of Jinjeera is of Abyssinian descent, and is popularly called the Seedee or Hubshee, generic terms applied by natives of India to Africans. One of the Nawab's ancestors laid siege to Bombay Castle in 1688-9, and the English, being unable to dislodge him, were compelled to seek the intervention of the Emperor Aurungzebe to secure the withdrawal of his forces.

2

See Appendix (#pgepubid00046).

3

In connection with Lady Brassey's visit to the Midas Mine, the following extract from the Melbourne Argus of June 14th may be of interest: – 'The nugget obtained in the Midas Company's mine, on the Dowling Forest Estate, Ballarat, on June 11th, has been named the "Lady Brassey." It was found within two feet of the spot in the drive from which a dish of stuff was washed by her Ladyship when she visited the mine the previous day, and it has since been shown to her in Melbourne, and by her leave has been named after her. Its weight is 167 oz., and it consists almost entirely of pure gold. Together with the rest of the gold obtained from the mine last week (117 oz.) the nugget will be exhibited in the window of Messrs. Kilpatrick & Co., jewellers, Collins Street. The Midas Company was only registered in October 1885, since which time the gold won has realised a total of 5,400 oz. The Company began operations with 500l. and has not had to make a single call.'

4

See Appendix (#pgepubid00046).

5

See Appendix (#pgepubid00046).

6

The temporary failure of the chart lamp was the real cause of this alarm. The coast sheets for Northern Queensland are on a very small scale, and it requires a strong light and young eyes to read their figures and the infinitesimally small signs denoting rocks.