In the second section, the Valar, with the exception of Yavanna and Oromë, give little thought to Middle-earth, which lies in darkness. Then follow descriptions of Aulë, his spheres of devising and making, and his later friendship with the Noldor; of Manwë, his powers, and his later love of the Vanyar; and of Ulmo and his music which runs through all the waters of the world.
In the third section, after the Ainur depart to Arda, Ilúvatar declares that the Elves ‘shall be the fairest of all earthly creatures, and they shall have and shall conceive and bring forth more beauty than all my Children; and they shall have the greater bliss in this world’. But to Men he gives a different gift: ‘that the hearts of Men should seek beyond the world and should find no rest therein; but they should have a virtue to shape their life, amid the powers and chances of the world, beyond the Music of the Ainur, which is as fate to all things else; and of their operation everything should be, in form and deed, completed, and the world fulfilled unto the last and smallest’ (pp. 41–2). He knows that Men will often stray, but prophesies that nevertheless all they do will redound to his glory. Elves have a greater love of the Earth and are fated not to die unless slain or wasted in grief, but to live on the Earth until the end of days. If slain, they may in time return. Men are short-lived: they die and ‘depart soon whither the Elves know not’ (p. 42). The Valar tell the Elves that Men will join in a second Music of the Ainur, but they do not know the fate of the Elves after the World’s End.
HISTORY
Much of the content of the first section of this chapter was already present in the earliest version in The Coming of the Valar and the Building of Valinor in *The Book of Lost Tales (c. 1919): there Melko reaches Arda before the other Ainur, causing tumult in the air and sea with his speed, and soon begins to delve for himself a stronghold, Utumna, in the North. There is no mention of where the Ainur dwell in Middle-earth. Melko is brought before the other Ainur but ingratiates himself with most of them, and at the request of Aulë builds two tall pillars on which Aulë places lamps to illuminate the earth, one with silver light, the other with gold. But Melko makes the pillars of ice, so that they melt from the heat of the lamps, which fall to the ground, causing floods and fires. The Ainur take refuge from the floods on an island which Ossë and water spirits draw across the Sea to a land in the west. There they create a secure dwelling place protected by mountains for themselves in the far West, which they call Valinor.
This first version of the creation of the Two Trees was much more elaborate than later texts, and less mythical, involving ‘sympathetic magic’. In the pit where Silpion (Telperion) would grow
they cast three huge pearls … and a small star … and they covered it with foams and white mists and thereafter sprinkled lightly earth upon it, but Lórien who loved twilights and flittering shadows, and sweet scents borne upon the evening winds, who is the lord of dreams and imaginings, sat nigh and whispered swift noiseless words, while his sprites played half-heard tunes beside him like music stealing out into the dark from distant dwellings. [*The Book of Lost Tales, Part One, p. 71]
Laurelin, not Telperion, is there the elder tree. The chapter also includes lengthy description of the dwellings and mansions that Aulë built for each of the Valar, not carried forward into later texts.
The texts of the 1920s and 1930s are much shorter, and the absence of any element of the story does not necessarily mean that it had been rejected, but rather merely omitted. In none of these versions is Melko, now usually referred to as Morgoth, said to have arrived before the other Valar. The *Sketch of the Mythology (c. 1926), the *Quenta Noldorinwa (c. 1930), and the first version of the *Quenta Silmarillion (begun mid-1930s) do not mention Morgoth as having any part in the making of the pillars, stating only that he overthrew the lamps, which implies physical action. Yet Tolkien evidently had not abandoned the old story, for in both the ‘earliest’ and ‘later’ versions of the *Annals of Valinor (early and mid-1930s) Morgoth is said to have destroyed the lamps by deceit, and in the *Ambarkanta it is said that ‘the pillars were made with deceit, being wrought of ice’ (*The Shaping of Middle-earth, p. 238). The Sketch of the Mythology says that when the lamps fall the (unnamed) isle where the Valar live is flooded, but nothing is said of its position. In the Quenta Noldorinwa the isle is said to be in the seas.
In the Sketch of the Mythology Yavanna ‘plants the Two Trees’ and ‘they grow under her songs’ (The Shaping of Middle-earth, p. 12). Telperion is described first, suggesting that it may already have become the elder of the Trees; this is specifically stated in the Quenta Noldorinwa. A replacement page in the Quenta Noldorinwa brings the description of the creation of the Trees closer to its final form, with Yavanna hallowing the mould with her song and Nienna watering the ground with her tears.
The version of the *Ainulindalë written in 1946 contained a new account, not only of the Creation, but also of early events in Arda. Since the Sun exists from the beginning and provides light to the earth (round, not flat), the episode of the making of the pillars and their overthrow is omitted. Instead there is open strife between Melkor and the other Valar as he tries to corrupt or destroy all that they labour to achieve in fashioning the earth for the coming of Elves and Men. With the help of the newly arrived Tulkas, Melkor is put to flight for a while, but seizing a piece of the earth he creates the moon, and from it keeps watch on the earth below. In versions of the Ainulindalë written c. 1949–51 Tolkien reverted to his original conception of a flat world without a sun, but retained some aspects introduced in the round world version. The story now approaches more closely that told in The Silmarillion: Morgoth has no part in the making of the Lamps, and the Isle of Almaren is in a great lake in the middle of the earth; but some elements are introduced which do not appear in the published text. Flowers and birds are mentioned as appearing under the light of the Lamps. Melkor makes war on the Valar and throws down the Lamps, and has grown so strong that the Valar can neither overcome him nor take him captive. He escapes and builds a stronghold in the North, Utumno. A similar story is told in the chapter ‘Of Valinor and the Two Trees’ in the Quenta Silmarillion as revised c. 1951. The contemporary Annals of Aman (see *Annals of Valinor) introduce the account of the Valar resting on Almaren, and the wedding of Tulkas and Nessa.
*Christopher Tolkien used material from all three of these closely contemporary texts – the Ainulindalë, the Quenta Silmarillion, and the Annals of Aman – to produce the first section of ‘Of the Beginning of Days’ in The Silmarillion. The beginning was taken mainly from the Ainulindalë with some phrases from the Annals of Aman; most of p. 36 and part of p. 37 were derived from the Annals, with a short section from the Ainulindalë; for the section on the establishment of Valinor and of the Two Trees, he drew on both the Annals and the Quenta Silmarillion.
The second section was drawn mainly from the Ainulindalë, c. 1949–51, which is a revision of a section of the earlier Ainulindalë of the mid-1930s, but Christopher Tolkien also incorporated a few phrases from the Annals of Aman.
The third section appeared first in the draft for The Music of the Ainur in The Book of Lost Tales, Part One. Ilúvatar’s statement is generally similar in meaning to that in The Silmarillion, but there are subtle differences: the Elves have a deeper knowledge of beauty; and to Men he gives the gift of ‘free will and the power of fashioning and designing beyond the original Music of the Ainu [sic, the plural form at this stage], that by reason of their operations all things shall in shape and deed be fulfilled, and the world that comes of the music of the Ainu be completed unto the last and smallest’ (The Book of Lost Tales, Part One, p. 61). Although Men live only a short time in the world, they ‘do not perish utterly for ever’ (p. 59), and at the world’s end will join in the Second Music of the Ainur. The Elves dwell for ever unless slain or wasted by grief, and should they die they are reborn in their children, but their fate after the ending of the world is not known even to the Valar.
In the fair copy that followed, Ilúvatar’s gift to Men is worded differently, or more clearly defined: ‘a free virtue whereby within the limits of the powers and substances and chances of the world they might fashion and design their life even beyond the original Music of the Ainur that is as fate to all things else’ (p. 59). Similarly the Elves dwell in the world ‘until the Great End’ rather than ‘for ever’ (pp. 59, 61).
In the Ainulindalë of the mid-1930s Ilúvatar’s words reach those in The Silmarillion. Though worded differently, the fates of Elves and Men remain the same. The 1946 Ainulindalë comments on the deep love of the Elves for the world to which they are bound, and in this text only it is said that Manwë knows the fate of Elves after the end of Arda. In the version of the Ainulindalë written c. 1949–51 was added, concerning Men, that ‘Death is their fate, the gift of Ilúvatar unto them, which as Time wears even the Powers shall envy. But Melkor hath cast his shadow upon it, and confounded it with darkness, and brought forth evil out of good, and fear out of hope’ (*Morgoth’s Ring, p. 21). From this version Tolkien then made a fine manuscript incorporating further revisions; it was this text that Christopher Tolkien used for the last part of ‘Of the Beginning of Days’ in The Silmarillion, but removed references to the tale being told by Pengolod, and the statement that Elves who die often return and are reborn in their children, since Tolkien abandoned this idea in his later writings.
In the late 1950s Tolkien again considered a major change in the cosmology of his legendarium. Some of his ideas of how this part of the story might be modified were published in ‘Myths Transformed’ in Morgoth’s Ring (1993); see especially pp. 375–85.
‘Of Beleriand and Its Realms’. The fourteenth chapter of the *‘Quenta Silmarillion’, published in *The Silmarillion (1977), pp. 118–24.
The chapter describes the topography of the North-west of Middle-earth and the peoples that lived there after the Dagor Aglareb (see *‘Of the Return of the Noldor’). In the development of the *‘Silmarillion’ mythology this was a constantly shifting picture as Tolkien altered or added elements, moved places on the map, and changed names. The most significant texts in this sequence are: the *Quenta Noldorinwa (c. 1930) in *The Shaping of Middle-earth, pp. 103–4, 107–8; the ‘earliest’ *Annals of Beleriand (early 1930s) in The Shaping of Middle-earth, pp. 296–7, 310, 330–5; the ‘later’ Annals of Beleriand (mid-1930s) in *The Lost Road and Other Writings, pp. 127–9, 145–6; ‘Of Beleriand and its Realms’, Chapter 9 in the *Quenta Silmarillion (mid-1930s–early 1938) in The Lost Road and Other Writings, pp. 258–72; and the Grey Annals (c. 1951, see *Annals of Beleriand) in *The War of the Jewels, pp. 38–9, 117. In the rewriting of the Quenta Silmarillion c. 1951, original Chapter 9 became Chapter 11, ‘Of Beleriand and its Realms’, renumbered as Chapter 14 in the amanuensis typescript of c. 1958.
‘Of Beleriand and Its Realms’ in The Silmarillion was taken almost entirely from the final version of the Quenta Silmarillion, but with a certain amount of editorial reordering. It also includes short passages from the Grey Annals and one or two names from *Of Maeglin: Sister-son of Turgon, King of Gondolin.
Belgium. Tolkien went to Belgium at least four times, on professional business or to visit his colleague and former student *S.R.T.O. (Simonne) d’Ardenne. From 10 to 12 November 1950 he attended the Congrès du LX
anniversaire des sections de Philologie romane et de Philologie germanique at the University of Liège as the official representative of the *Oxford English School, and spoke on the teaching of philology and literature at *Oxford. After the conference, until 17 November, he stayed with Simonne d’Ardenne at Solwaster in the Ardennes, in her family’s former hunting lodge. From 10 to 13 September 1951 he was in Liège for the Congrès International de Philologie Moderne, where he delivered a paper, *Middle English ‘Losenger’. On 2 October 1954 he received at the University of Liège an honorary D.Litt. (Doct. en Lettres et Phil.), proposed by Simonne d’Ardenne. He was again at Solwaster from 13 to 19 September 1957: on 17 September he wrote to *R.W. Burchfield that ‘the rain on these moors and dark forests is continuous. “Water, water everywhere nor any drop to drink” is very applicable, as everything is deluged, but the chalybeate water [impregnated with iron salts] is nearly brick-red: a bath is like being in a dye-vat; to drink is nonsense’ (Early English Text Society archive).
See further, Johan Vanhecke, ‘Tolkien and Belgium’, Lembas Extra (2007).
Bennett, Henry Stanley (1889–1972). Stanley Bennett was associated with the English School at *Cambridge, as undergraduate and teacher, from its earliest days at the end of the First World War. He lectured on medieval subjects and on Shakespeare, was elected a fellow of Emmanuel College in 1933, and for twenty-five years was its Librarian. His writings include The Pastons and Their England (1922), Life on the English Manor (1937), Chaucer and the Fifteenth Century (1947), and English Books and Readers (1952–70). His wife Joan (née Frankau, 1896–1986) was also at Cambridge, educated at Girton College, a lecturer in English from 1936 to 1964, a specialist in seventeenth-century English literature who also wrote on George Eliot and Virginia Woolf.
Tolkien was acquainted with the Bennetts and with their children, whom he amused with his story *Farmer Giles of Ham when he visited Cambridge in March 1939. In 1954 he corresponded at length with Stanley Bennett to encourage the election of *C.S. Lewis as Professor of Medieval and Renaissance English at Cambridge.
Bennett, Jack Arthur Walter (1911–1981). After reading English at Auckland University College, New Zealand, in 1933 J.A.W. Bennet matriculated at Merton College, *Oxford, where he studied philology and medieval literature. He attended Tolkien’s lectures, and later would lend his notes on those of 1934–5 to *Alan Bliss for his edition of *Finn and Hengest (1982). In 1938 Bennett was awarded a D.Phil. for his thesis The History of Old English and Old Norse Studies in England from the Time of Junius till the End of the Eighteenth Century, examined by Tolkien and *David Nichol Smith. Also in that year he was elected to a junior research fellowship by Queen’s College, Oxford, but could not take it up until after the Second World War. In 1947 he was elected a fellow at Magdalen College, Oxford, where he took over the teaching of Old and Middle English from *C.S. Lewis, and in the early 1960s was instrumental in the creation of the B.Phil. (later M.Phil.) in English studies. In 1964 he succeeded Lewis as Professor of Medieval and Renaissance Literature at Cambridge.
Bennett wrote widely on Middle English literature, most notably on *Chaucer (The Parlement of Foules (1957), Chaucer at Oxford and at Cambridge (1974), etc.), and was an editor of medieval and Tudor texts. With *G.V. Smithers he was co-editor of Early Middle English Verse and Prose (1966; 2nd edn. 1968). Twice the Oxford University Press (*Publishers) considered him a candidate to take over the long-delayed ‘Clarendon Chaucer’ (*Geoffrey Chaucer) from Tolkien: in the first instance, Tolkien was given another chance to complete the work, and in the second it was decided to delay the Chaucer until Tolkien had retired from his professorship, to avoid embarrassing him.
For many years Bennett was assistant or chief editor of Medium Ævum, the journal of the Society for the Study of Mediaeval Languages and Literature (*Societies and clubs). He also served, with Tolkien, on the Council of the Early English Text Society (*Societies and clubs). He contributed an essay, ‘Climates of Opinions’ (a history of the word climate), to the Festschrift *English and Medieval Studies Presented to J.R.R. Tolkien on the Occasion of His Seventieth Birthday (1962), and another, ‘Nosce te ipsum: Some Medieval Interpretations’, to J.R.R. Tolkien, Scholar and Storyteller: Essays in Memoriam, ed. *Mary Salu and Robert T. Farrell (1979).
On 15 August 1946 Tolkien brought Bennett to one of the regular Thursday evening meetings of the *Inklings. A week later Bennett showed up on his own, and soon became associated with the group despite initial misgivings by some of its members. *W.H. Lewis recorded in his diary that he found Bennett ‘a dull dog’ (Brothers and Friends, p. 193), and that *Hugo Dyson objected to Bennett because he was a Roman Catholic. In fact, Bennett was not received into the Catholic Church until more than a decade later, though he was inclined towards that faith and especially interested in the history of the liturgy.
A collection of J.A.W. Bennett’s essays, The Humane Medievalist and Other Essays in English Literature and Learning, from Chaucer to Eliot, was published in 1982. See further, P.L. Heyworth, ‘A List of the Published Writings of J.A.W. Bennett’, in Medieval Studies for J.A.W. Bennett, ed. Heyworth (1981).
Beowulf. The longest and most important surviving Old English poem, the work of a Christian of uncertain date, its earliest extant manuscript (part of Cotton Vitellius A.xv in the British Library) was written around the year 1000.
Briefly summarized – to say nothing of its richness as poetry – Beowulf concerns the exploits of the eponymous hero, a warrior of the Geats (a tribe of southern Sweden), endowed by God with superhuman strength. With his men he sails to Denmark, where a monster named Grendel is killing the warriors of the king, Hrothgar, in his hall, Heorot. Beowulf slays Grendel in terrible combat. When Grendel’s mother attacks the hall in revenge and carries off one of Hrothgar’s thanes, Beowulf follows her to the bottom of a lake in the midst of a fen and slays her as well. He then returns home, and after many years becomes king of his people. His fame as a warrior keeps his country free from invasion, and he increases its prosperity and happiness. After fifty years, however, a dragon appears, having been drawn from its hoard by the theft of a cup; although the beast wreaks havoc on the countryside, no warrior dares risk his life to confront it. The aged king takes up his sword and shield and, with the aid only of his retainer Wiglaf (his other companions having fled), defeats the dragon, but at the cost of his own life.
As an undergraduate at *Oxford Tolkien took classes on Beowulf taught by *Kenneth Sisam and attended lectures on the work by *A.S. Napier.
LECTURES ON BEOWULF
Tolkien himself lectured on Beowulf from autumn 1920, when he began to teach at the University of *Leeds, through Trinity Term 1946 while the Rawlinson and Bosworth Professor of Anglo-Saxon at Oxford, and again in Michaelmas Term 1962 as a substitute for his successor in the Anglo-Saxon chair, *C.L. Wrenn. The most complimentary of his students praised his lectures as entertaining as well as informative, and his reading of Beowulf like that of a bard in a mead hall (see the subsection ‘Tolkien and the Oxford English School’ in the article *Oxford English School).
From one set of his Oxford lectures Tolkien derived *Beowulf: The Monsters and the Critics, the landmark work he delivered to the British Academy in November 1936. Brief extracts from these and other lectures were published in *The Lost Road and Other Writings (1987), pp. 93–6. Later thoughts by Tolkien on the poem, relative to the Old English *Battle of Maldon, appear in the third part (‘Ofermod’) of his *Homecoming of Beorhtnoth Beorhthelm’s Son (1953).
A selection of extracts from Tolkien’s Oxford lectures on Beowulf was made by *Christopher Tolkien for *Beowulf: A Translation and Commentary Together with Sellic Spell (2014), pp. 137–353. Published as ‘the commentary’, these represent only a fraction of the materials on Beowulf, including drafts and working scripts, held in the Tolkien Papers in the Bodleian Library (*Libraries and archives), and were drawn largely from a set of lectures for the ‘general course’ for undergraduates in the Oxford English School, who were required in the final examination to read just over half of Beowulf in the original language, from the beginning to line 1650, and to translate passages. The later part of the commentary, Christopher Tolkien explains, is derived from yet ‘another set of lectures, addressed to the “philologists”, clearly written and lengthy discussions of major problems in the interpretation of the text of Beowulf’ (p. 132).
In addition to his university lectures, in January 1938 Tolkien gave a thirteen-minute talk on Beowulf and other Old English poetry, Anglo-Saxon Verse, in the BBC radio series Poetry Will Out.
TRANSLATING BEOWULF
In 1940 Tolkien completed a long preface for a new edition of John R. Clark Hall’s Modern English translation (1901, 1911) Beowulf and the Finnesburg Fragment. His essay, entitled *Prefatory Remarks on Prose Translation of ‘Beowulf’ (reprinted in *The Monsters and the Critics and Other Essays as On Translating Beowulf), is divided into two parts, ‘On Translation and Words’ and ‘On Metre’. Tolkien warns that although Clark Hall’s text is a ‘competent translation’ of Beowulf it is no substitute for reading the poem itself – a great poem whose ‘specially poetic qualities’ cannot be caught in prose, and which in Modern English may lose the shades of meaning present in the original Old English. Clark Hall’s translation ‘is not offered as a means of judging the original, or as a substitute for reading the poem itself. The proper purpose of a prose translation is to provide an aid to study’ (The Monsters and the Critics and Other Essays, p. 49). Moreover, the prospective translator is advised against the use of ‘colloquialism and false modernity’. ‘If you wish to translate, not re-write, Beowulf,’ he says, ‘your language must be literary and traditional: not because it is now a long while since the poem was made, or because it speaks of things that have since become ancient; but because the diction of Beowulf was poetical, archaic, artificial (if you will), in the day that the poem was made.’ But ‘words should not be used merely because they are “old” or obsolete’ (p. 54).
Some twenty years later, the American scholar-poet Burton Raffel sent Tolkien a copy of his 1960 publication Poems from the Old English, comprising verse translations of shorter works such as *The Seafarer, *The Battle of Maldon, and *The Wanderer. In this Raffel briefly discusses reasons for translating Old English poetry (‘too many centuries, too many lost ideas, separate the Old English poet from his modern audience’, p. xviii). and methods of translation:
The translator’s only hope is to re-create something roughly equivalent in the new language [i.e. the translator’s language], something that is itself good poetry and that at the same time carries a reasonable measure of the force and flavor of the original. …
How close to the original must the translation be? Not so much in outward form, metre and rhyme, even line length, for in these respects reasonable freedom is of course necessary. But in fidelity to the precise content and tone of the original, its exact working out of images, its succession of ideas. [pp. xxvi–xxvii]
He argues that a translation of an Old English poem must, in the end, be freely ‘a poem in its own right, … a poem meaningful in its own language and at the same time suggestive of the accents and the culture of another’ (p. xxviii).
Tolkien disagreed with Raffel’s philosophy in his private papers. One improves his understanding of a language through translation, he said, though this may not be evident in the result; and a translation may be used to impart the nature of a language through its hearing – not reading, ‘for reading suggests close and silent study, the pondering of words, the solution of a series of puzzles, but hearing should mean receiving, with the speed of a familiar tongue, the immediate impact of sound and sense together’. ‘In all real language’, sound and sense ‘are wedded’. ‘A translator may hope (or rashly aspire) to heal the divorce, as far as is possible’, but he must achieve ‘absolute allegiance to the thing translated: to its meaning, its style, technique, and form’. ‘Fortunately’, he continues, ‘modern (modern literary, not present-day colloquial) English is an instrument of very great capacity and resources, it has long experience not yet forgotten, and deep roots in the past not yet all pulled up’ (‘Thoughts on Translation: Beowulf’, Tolkien Estate website).
TRANSLATIONS BY TOLKIEN
At Leeds Tolkien began, but abandoned after 594 lines, an alliterative verse translation of Beowulf into Modern English. This remains unpublished, though Tolkien included a few lines in his Prefatory Remarks on Prose Translation of ‘Beowulf’ (see below).
He also worked on a Modern English prose translation, which likewise was never finished to his satisfaction. Given the heavy demands on his time in the final months of 1925 and the first part of 1926 (see Chronology), it seems certain that at least the beginning of the prose translation as well was made during Tolkien’s time at Leeds. It was completed, though not all to Tolkien’s liking, by the end of April 1926, when Tolkien described it as such in a letter to *Kenneth Sisam at Oxford University Press (*Publishers), and was willing to put it in order if Sisam liked it. Its earliest typescript extends as far as line 1773, followed by a manuscript which takes up at the point where the typescript ends. A further typescript, made by Christopher Tolkien, can be dated to c. 1940–2. Tolkien heavily emended the initial typescript, notably in passages concerned with Grendel’s coming to Heorot and his fight with Beowulf, less so later in the text; and he lent it to *C.S. Lewis (thus after they met at Oxford in May 1926), who added his own queries. The manuscript was also emended, for the most part at the time of writing, and the final typescript received Tolkien’s corrections and further changes.
Michael D.C. Drout suggests in his review of *Beowulf: A Translation and Commentary together with Sellic Spell in Tolkien Studies 12 (2015) that Tolkien’s purpose in making the prose translation is conveyed in a manuscript in the Bodleian Library, in which Tolkien writes of his intention to read his translation to Beowulf students in one sitting, supplemented with extracts from his verse translation, to help them grasp the poem before they themselves discuss and translate the Old English text.
On 25 October 1932 Tolkien suggested to R.W. Chapman that his prose translation might be published by Oxford University Press, but that it should be preceded by introductory matter on the diction of Old English verse, its metre, and so forth – much, presumably, as he later wrote in his preface to the Clark Hall volume – and that it should include notes concerning particularly difficult problems in the text. On 18 December 1932 Tolkien wrote to Kenneth Sisam that he hoped soon to complete his work on the Clarendon Chaucer (*Geoffrey Chaucer), and then to publish his Beowulf translation, ‘but life is short, & so is the day. I am obliged to examine Oxford (complete new syllabus), Manchester and Reading, for the meeting of ends, the coming year; and probably P. Mods [Pass Moderations] at the end of it. Also there are lectures & B.Litts and goodness knows what’ (Oxford University Press archives).
Tolkien’s prose translation was published at last in 2014 as Beowulf: A Translation and Commentary together with Sellic Spell. In a preface to this volume, Christopher Tolkien explains that his father made many changes to the translation, often in accord with discussion of textual points in his Oxford lectures, though sometimes he made points in his lectures which were not then reflected in a change to the translation. See further, entry for the 2014 volume below.