A number of research projects carried out in Western Europe stress the importance of family in shaping a certain level of health inequity. The parents” resources alone already have an impact on young children’s life quality and create inequity between children from prosperous and poor families. First, the parents” economic capacity determines where and how the family will live. There is a difference if children live in a small rented apartment located in a disadvantaged urban area or in a large house with a garden in a fashionable neighborhood (Meulemann, 1990). Empirical findings show that different life quality among children from poor and prosperous families does not just matter in itself yet it also serves precondition for further inequities. The level of recognition that children enjoy among their friends depends on their toys, sport gear, pets, fashionable clothes, opportunity to travel, pocket money, the configuration of their own computer (Szydlik, M., 2004).
At the same time already in the earliest childhood the parents” resources set important milestones for the entire biography and for the position in the social inequity structure. The parents” choice of the residential area has a direct impact on their children’s first friends” social position. Peers, in turn, have a significant impact on children’s and adolescents” secondary socialization – they either increase or suppress the interest in education and culture. This means that parents, be that deliberately or not, through the social groups of their children’s first friends set the framework for the common and desired standards in education, about which their children learn from their closest environment. Of course, it is also important that the residence determines the choice of school and the level of education in the child’s school friends.
The parents” impact on their children’s education can hardly be overestimated. Education determines the opportunities in life. The individual education has a decisive influence on income, choice of profession, prestige, career, employment opportunities, working conditions, match between the professional background and employment, property, retirement benefit, choice of partner, health and life expectancy. This is why education is a central measure for social stratification. The one with the best education shall get the highest score in all the above-mentioned areas. Each year of school or professional training adds around 6 % to the salary. Better educated people will have less trouble finding an employment and they are fired more seldom. Those with a University degree stand a better chance to find an employment within their area of training (Szydlik М., 1996).
Parents set important educational standards for their children. This is not only about the decisions concerning education itself but also about the general level of education in the family. The very first years of life lay the basis for future academic and professional success. The decisive role here is rather common – the financial capacity of the parents. Therefore, the family connections reproduce social inequity through the entire life. Especially impressive here is the connection of inter-generation solidarity and social inequity. Solidarity between generations is well expressed not only in relation to minor children who still reside with their parents. This goes on after the children leave the parental home. This solidarity continues for the entire life, thus constantly reproducing social inequity.
Parents from higher social groups create better conditions for their children not only in childhood and adolescence. When children become independent they still get support through regular money transfers, gifts, property and, finally, inheritance. This is how the support provided by the upper class to their children through their lives will enforce and even increase the social inequity. The youngster who had better chances due to the parents” resources will have obvious advantage in adulthood.
In general solidarity between generations is well expressed through all the social groups. However, bigger opportunities mean bigger support. Parents without significant resources can never provide such support. This is how families strengthen and increase social inequity. This enhances the chances of children whose parents hold higher social positions thus reducing the opportunities of children from poorer families. Here we must recognize the invaluable service done by the family and assist it in every way. However, an important public and political task is to reduce inequity based on parentage (Szydlik, M., 2004).
Role of education in health inequity
As stressed above, education is one of the major determinants of the economic inequity and its role is increasing year after year.
The public expenses on education make up about 60 % of the total national educational budget; the part covered by the population is about 30 %, with another 10 % coming from the employers. This ratio of public and non-public funding on education (60/40) is significantly different from what economically developed countries have where the population has a higher level of income in general and, which is equally important, where the differentiation in income is much lower, while the private funding from employers and sponsors is higher. For instance, in 2001 in the USA the public budget for education was 69,2 %, in Germany – 81,4 %, in Great Britain – 84,7 %, in Italy – 90,7 %, in Sweden – 96,8 %, in the Czech Republic – 90,6 %, in Slovakia – 97,1 %.
The crisis of public funding for education in Russia stimulates paid education and getting fee from the family for various services, which increases inequity in access to education. Selection is more and more based not on the aptitude criteria but on the applicants” parents” financial capacity. A survey conducted in 2005 by the Russian National Center for Public Opinion showed that half of the Russian population (55 %) cannot afford educational services that are paid, while 21 % of Russians can afford it in extreme cases only. Besides, attending an educational institution and graduating from it with the respective degree certificate does not mean having quality education. The growing density of education both in school and in universities is one of the factors for a certain reduction of its quality. This already contributes, and will contribute on, to the growth of inequity.
However, it is common knowledge that each extra year or education in Russia accounts for a nine-percent death rate reduction in men and a seven-percent death rate reduction in women, while those involved in mental work (especially leaders) demonstrate a higher survival rate than those involved in physical labor (Тапилина В. C., 2004). Researches carried out in St. Petersburg (Russia) showed significant differences in health status esteem depending on the level of education and financial deprivation – in the social groups with limited educational and economic resources the health status was lower (Русинова Н. Л., Браун Дж., 1997; Русинова Н. Л., Панова Л. В., 2003; 2005; Максимова Т. М., 2005; Назарова И. Б, 2007). Foreign authors, too, focused on the issue of social differentiation of health in our country. In order to support the facts mentioned it was shown that the level of financial hardships and education are important predictors of the perceived health (Bobak, Pikhart, Hertzman, Rose and Marmot, 1998; Bobak, Pikhart, Rose, Hertzman, and Michael Marmot, 2000; Carlson, 2000). These works also stated that one of the significant health status determinants is such an indicator of social well-being as the perceived control over the life circumstances.
The differences in education related, to a certain degree, to income differentiation, may also reveal themselves in the value and behavioral aspect of the way someone treats his/her own health. In particular, education is connected to the specificity of ordinary health conceptualization, the level of personal responsibility for one’s health status, and the differences in people’s awareness of health issues, healthy lifestyle, and medical care. People with a degree in higher education are usually involved in a wider network of interpersonal connections thus standing a better opportunity to get instrumental and emotional support. The level of education has also been repeatedly noticed to have relation to the differences in the prevalence of health destroying behavior patterns (Демьянова А. А., 2005; Cockerham, 2000; Pomerleau, Gilmore, McKee, Rose, and Haerpfer, 2004). For instance, in 1998 in the female part of the city 64 % of the respondents with a level of education below average referred to their health as poor or very poor, while among those with a higher degree of education the same response was obtained from 20 % only. As for men, about 58 % of St. Petersburg residents with no complete secondary education considered their health as unsatisfactory, while in the most educated segment the same response was given only in 10 % of cases. In the same year the share of respondents with poor health in the first (lowest) and the fourth (highest) income quartiles were: for women – 30 % and 13 %, and for men – 21 % and 4 % (Русинова Н. Л., Браун Дж., 1997, 1999; Rusinova and Brown, 2003).
The economic status is a projection of income inequity, which has direct relation to health inequity. However, the differences in income are also known to reflect the differences in the level of education, the professional background. The educational status in many countries is used as the major indicator of people’s status in the socio-economic inequity hierarchy, while the economic status, in turn, is viewed as the indicator of the return from the investment into the cultural capital. Apart from that education can be considered as an indicator of an increased capacity to take and process information, as well as make decisions allowing taking proper and meaningful approaches to maintaining and caring for one’s own health. There is an obvious relation between income and profession. Low income is typically connected with unqualified heavy physical labor, which, in addition, contains the risk of being injured or maimed.
A separate issue that requires solution within health inequity is marginalized groups that are to be found in any country and in any society. Unfavorable working conditions that potentially exacerbate the impact of environmental risk factors are mostly typical of marginalized groups, such as refugees and migrants even though they could pose a problem for people with a low level of education. The concept of “unfavorable working conditions” may embrace such types as working with no contract signed, child labor, as well as forced and coerced (as a pay for a debt) labor. Working with no contract signed is the major source of inequity in relation to the environment and health, as well as violation of regulations for national labor safety, working hygiene, and working conditions, which involves various negative effects on the health of the employees.
In Hungary, for instance, 15 % of Gypsy settlements (Roma) were located within 1 kilometer from illegal dumps, and 11 % – within 1 km from the places for destroying dead animals (Gyorgy et al., 2005). In Serbia similar settlements had a 2–3 times lower water supply and hygienic facilities (Sepkowitz, 2006).
Therefore health inequity has along historical context; this issue is determined by many factors and is found anywhere regardless of the socio-economic level of development of the country as a whole. Yet, in view of ethical, legal, economic, and medical-social implications this issue requires urgent response at all levels, from local to global.
Health inequity in Russian Federation: state of things
The issue of inequity in income distribution in the post-socialist area has been a subject for wide discussion both in our country and abroad. This point has always been the focus of researchers and politicians, from time to time giving raise to acute socio-political debate. Russia is no exception here given the significant changes it has undergone in the latest decade. Quite a tough issue is developing human potential under rapidly progressing market conditions and similarly rapidly disappearing social benefits for the disadvantaged. In view if this, experts define two types of challenges: on the one hand the country is facing typical of poor countries troubles like spread of communicable diseases, regions with stagnating poverty (still present in Russia), undeveloped infrastructure and high death rate. On the other hand the country is suffering from healthcare and education crisis, and such issues are common for advanced post-industrial countries as well.
Poverty profile in Russia
Poverty in Russia has a number of typical features. For instance, most vulnerable are families with children and, therefore, children themselves, who are under 16. Note to be made though that this issue is not common for most countries. As for retirees they are under lower risks of being affected by poverty because most of them work and the social benefit system is oriented, first of all, at the elderly.
Special mention should be made of the fact that working population is the larger part of the poor group even despite of salary growth. In order to reduce the number of poor people among the working population the minimum salary should be at least 150 % of the minimum cost of living. In the April of 2009 25 % or the working population received their salaries below this minimum. 70 % of them had children. 37,4 % of the working population received salaries below 200 % of the minimum cost of living.
This level of pay for labor is sufficient for meeting the minimum needs of one employee and one child. Therefore, even in a situation where two parents are employed such salaries cannot be enough to support two children at the minimum level.
The largest share of the poor population is accounted for by the people who are able to work, especially youth. Countrymen are more vulnerable to poverty than urban population. Besides, the maximum poverty risk affects the unemployed population, economically inactive groups, as well as those living on social and disability benefits.
Level of poverty and inequity
The dynamics of poverty and inequity is determined by the consumption share for the 20 % of poorest against the total volume of consumption. Up until 2000 this index was about 5,8–6,1 %. Later on the share of the poorest 20 % has gone down, which serves perfect evidence of the fact that the poor have got no access to the results of economic growth.
(The World Bank in Russia Russian Economic Report, No. 21, March 2010, http://siteresources.worldbank.org/INTRUSSIANFEDERATION/Resources/305499-1245838520910/6238985-1269435660465/RER21rus.pdf).
The liberal economic reforms went along with a significant fall in the standard of living and an increase in the socio-economic differentiation. The growing economic inequity has become a serious challenge both for the people and for the government. Our country now has significant inequity in terms of health and accessible medical assistance due to polarization of income and opportunities, which means limited and clearly deficient current social policy carried out in our society. The recent research findings have provided quite a clear demonstration of significant differences in people’s opportunities at birth, during the preschool and school period, in terms of getting access to higher education, housing, transportation, shopping, recreation and fun activities, relationships with the state, access to medical services, life expectancy, maintaining health status and healthy lifestyles, religious affiliation, funeral services, inheritance, etc. Just 20–25 years ago when the disproportion was not so extreme some specialists in social hygiene and healthcare arrangement even talked about potential homogenous conditionality of health in our country.
We must admit that health inequity is a new and, obviously, a long-term issue in Russia. Even though there have always been differences in people’s health status this point never got so much attention. One of the sources of social tension in any country is the gap between people’s welfare, in the level of their prosperity. The level of prosperity is determined by two factors:
1) the size of (any kind of) property possessed by individuals;
2) the size of the individuals” income (Дашкевич П. Р., 1995; Денисов П. Р., 1997).
One of the criteria of civilization in any country’s social sphere is maintaining the respective appropriate living standard for the groups (families) that for some reasons cannot meet even the minimum standards and customs (food, clothing, leisure, etc.). One of the most urgent social issues in Russia that came into being because of economic changes is unprecedented inequity in income. According to the Russian Statistics Agency (Rosstat), by 2006 the income of the most prosperous groups was 16 times the share of the least prosperous ones (Российский статистический ежегодник, Россия в цифрах, 2006). However, if we take into account that the official statistics often underestimates the socio-economic differentiation in Russia not taking into view the shadow economy, then the true gap in question may be much larger. According to the data provided by T. Zaslavskaya (2005) the inequity gap between the 10 % at the extremities is 30–40 times. As noted at the Report on Poverty Evaluation made by the World Bank (2004), this fast growth of income inequity in Russia was close to a record – Russia here is very much different from other countries including Central and East Europe, where they also had a transfer to the market economy. Experts say that socio-economic differentiation similar to Russian should be looked for in Latin America rather than in European societies (Murphy, Bobak, Nicholson, Rose and Marmot, 2006). The social stratification trend in our country that became especially obvious in the 1990-s is still there under the rather long process of economic growth noticed in the recent years – income differentiation was detected in 2007 as well (Щербакова Е. М., 2008).
The high rate of economic and socio-structural changes in Russia that were ahead of most people’s adjustment capacity brought to many increased levels of chronic stress, loss of control over life circumstances, and resulted in prevalence of behaviors related to health risks, first of all high alcohol consumption (Cockerham, 2000; Bobak, Pikhart, Rose, Hertzman, and Marmot 2000; Cockerham, Hinote, Abbott, 2006).
All this could not but affect Russian people’s health, which is well seen from the growing death rate and reduced life expectancy.
As a result, by the early 21
Century (2000) the death rate brought Russian into one line with African countries located south of Sahara, namely 15 deaths a year per 100 people, which is nearly double the index of developed societies (Римашевская Н. М., Кислицина О. А., 2004).
The recent years have witnessed quite clear a vicious circle where the national Russian healthcare system has found itself – the more funding is invested into specialized inpatient care and hi-tech clinics the less funding is given to prevention and early detection, which results in an increased number of patients, adds to the severity of their conditions, detection of diseases at later and even very bad untreated stages, and chronization of pathologies, which requires even more funding for tertiary healthcare.
Therefore, the modern Russian healthcare system could be described with a high level of inequity in distributing health opportunities among individuals and groups of people, as well as with a conflict between the state and the society, with erosion of the aims and objectives in the sphere of healthcare (Сизова И. Л., 2007).
The impact of social inequity in the Russian society has been especially seen the young generation, whose origin and development came onto the reforms.
Under the reforms in Russia, apart from traditional disturbances there have come into being new trends in youth’s health: “psychization” and “psychologization” of diseases, increasing social disadaptation, loss of confidence about one’s strength, increased feeling of “social loneliness”. This aspect creates the necessity of a sociological reflection on the changing social conditions and their impact on new deviations in youngsters” health, and the development of new practices in certain classes and social groups.
Even though we have already discussed poverty as the most important factor of inequity, Vladimir Putin’s words – Russia is a rich country of poor people – make us turn towards the issue again, yet in the context of the Russian reality.
On the initial stage of the economic reforms in Russia the core group of the poor was traditionally represented by the so-called vulnerable groups including retirees, disabled, large families and one-parent families with children. Nowadays the focus is definitely shifting towards a different risk group – the “working” poor, the part of the society that are able to work and, due to various reasons have low income, which keeps them from supporting themselves and their families properly.
Quite often poverty has also socio-psychological preconditions. One of them is the “overtaking” poverty. This term could be used to describe a phenomenon implying prestige consumption. It is typical for youth, rather than for older people, to dress well and to look no worse than others. The things that prosperous parents” children have (fashionable and expensive clothes) set up certain example attracting children whose parents cannot afford that. If a prosperous parent can buy something never feeling and financial issue then a poor parent’s budget may be seriously affected by the same purchase. This prestige consumption makes many people live beyond their financial capacity. Those from poor families feel uncomfortable due to their own position and that of their family, which does not allow them live better. This causes a generation conflict where children blame their parents for not wanting or not being able to “make money”, even despite all the morals. As a result poor people’s children find illegal ways to make money, which they need to “catch up” with the rich ones, to live up to the standards imposed on them by the middle or the upper class (Падиарова А. Б., 2008, 2009).
The poor’s focus is shifted towards negative evaluation of the reality, pessimism, and despair. They are often unable to build proper relations within their families – high voice in the family, mutual reprimands, obscene words and abusive language become a common thing. Such conditions develop a special lifestyle and a value system, which could be described by restraint and voluntary isolation, economic and social dependency, lack of clear behavior role models, separation and political passivity, absence of future plans and self-confidence; increased disposition to conflicts in family relations (rude talks, quarrels between parents and children, frequent divorces) (Кислицина О. А., 2005).
Other reasons responsible for acute aggravation of health inequity in Russia during the transition period include:
1. Actual shift in healthcare from caring for health to clinical medicine, i.e. from mass recreational and preventive measures to individual treatment.
2. Increased share of paid services, development of new relationships with patients, which destroy the basics of medical ethics, and which make it possible to view the patient as another source of income; chronic deficit of funding with a large number of various sources of that, which never contributes to financial transparency.
3. Sharp increase in inequity in terms of people’s access to medical services, while the majority of these people are socially disadvantaged.
4. Prominent inequity in doctors” incomes.
5. Unequal access to medical services for certain groups of people: homeless people, neglected children, migrants, and just financially vulnerable people.
4. Continuing practice of increasing the share of costly and expensive medicine, a huge gap between the quality and quantity of medical assistance in cities and in the provincial areas, and the gap between the assistance provided to rural and to urban residents is increasing.