The Writings of Thomas Jefferson, Vol. 5 (of 9)

TO GOVERNOR CABELL

    Washington, July 24, 1807.

Sir,—Yours of the 20th has been duly received. The relation in which we stand with the British naval force within our waters is so new, that differences of opinion are not to be wondered at respecting the captives, who are the subject of your letter. Are they insurgents against the authority of the laws? Are they public enemies, acting under the orders of their sovereign? or will it be more correct to take their character from the act of Congress for the preservation of peace in our harbors, which authorizes a qualified war against persons of their demeanor, defining its objects, and limiting its extent? Considering this act as constituting the state of things between us and them, the captives may certainly be held as prisoners of war. If we restore them it will be an act of favor, and not of any right they can urge. Whether Great Britain will give us that reparation for the past and security for the future, which we have categorically demanded, cannot as yet be foreseen; but we have believed we should afford an opportunity of doing it, as well from justice and the usage of nations, as a respect to the opinion of an impartial world, whose approbation and esteem are always of value. This measure was requisite, also, to produce unanimity among ourselves; for however those nearest the scenes of aggression and irritation may have been kindled into a desire for war at short hand, the more distant parts of the Union have generally rallied to the point of previous demand of satisfaction and war, if denied. It was necessary, too, for our own interests afloat on the ocean, and under the grasp of our adversary; and, added to all this, Great Britain was ready armed and on our lines, while we were taken by surprise, in all the confidence of a state of peace, and needing time to get our means into activity. These considerations render it still useful that we should avoid every act which may precipitate immediate and general war, or in any way shorten the interval so necessary for our own purposes; and they render it advisable that the captives, in the present instance, should be permitted to return, with their boat, arms, &c., to their ships. Whether we shall do this a second, a third, or a fourth time, must still depend on circumstances. But it is by no means intended to retire from the ground taken in the proclamation. That is to be strictly adhered to. And we wish the military to understand that while, for special reasons, we restore the captives in this first instance, we applaud the vigilance and activity which, by taking them, have frustrated the object of their enterprise, and urge a continuance of them, to intercept all intercourse with the vessels, their officers and crews, and to prevent them from taking or receiving supplies of any kind; and for this purpose, should the use of force be necessary, they are unequivocally to understand that force is to be employed without reserve or hesitation. I salute you with great esteem and respect.

TO GOVERNOR CABELL

    Washington, July 27, 1807.

Sir,—The Secretary at War having returned from New York, we have immediately taken up the question respecting the discharge of the militia, which was the subject of your two last letters, and which I had wished might remain undecided a few days. From what we have learnt of the conduct of the British squadron in the Chesapeake, since they have retired from Hampton Roads, we suppose that, until orders from England, they do not contemplate any further acts of hostility, other than those they are daily exercising, by remaining in our waters in defiance of the national authority, and bringing to vessels within our jurisdiction. Were they even disposed to make an attempt on Norfolk, it is believed to be sufficiently secured by the two frigates Cybele and Chesapeake, by the twelve gun-boats now there, and four more from Matthews county expected,—by the works of Fort Nelson; to all of which we would wish a company of artillery, of the militia of the place, to be retained and trained, putting into their hands the guns used at Fort Norfolk and Cape Henry, to cut off from these vessels all supplies, according to the injunctions of the proclamation, and to give immediate notice to Norfolk should any symptoms of danger appear,—to oppose which the militia of the borough and the neighboring counties should be warned to be in constant readiness to march at a moment's warning. Considering these provisions as quite sufficient for the safety of Norfolk, we are of opinion that it will be better immediately to discharge the body of militia now in service, both on that and the other side of James river. This is rendered expedient, not only that we may husband from the beginning those resources which will probably be put to a long trial, but from a regard to the health of those in service, which cannot fail to be greatly endangered during the sickly season now commencing, and the discouragement, which would thence arise, to that ardor of public spirit now prevailing. As to the details necessary on winding up this service, the Secretary at War will write fully, as he will, also, relative to the force retained in service, and whatever may hereafter concern them or their operations, which he possesses so much more familiarly than I do, and have been gone into by myself immediately, only on account of his absence on another service.

The diseases of the season incident to most situations on the tide-waters, now beginning to show themselves here, and to threaten some of our members, together with the probability of a uniform course of things in the Chesapeake, induce us to prepare for leaving this place during the two sickly months, as well for the purposes of health as to bestow some little attention to our private affairs, which is necessary at some time of every year. Our respective stations will be fixed and known, so that everything will find us at them, with the same certainty as if we were here; and such measures of intercourse will be established as that the public business will be carried on at them, with all the regularity and dispatch necessary. The present arrangements of the post office admit an interchange of letters between Richmond and Monticello twice a week, if necessary, and I propose that a third shall be established during the two ensuing months, of which you shall be informed. My present expectation is to leave this place for Monticello, about the close of this or the beginning of the next week. The Secretary at War will continue in this neighborhood until we shall further see that the course of things in the Chesapeake will admit of his taking some respite. I salute you with great esteem and respect.

TO COLONEL TATHAM

    Washington, July 28, 1807.

Sir,—Your several letters from the 10th to the 23d, inclusive, have been duly received, and have served to regulate our belief of the state of things in Lynhaven, amidst the variety of uncertain reports which were afloat. In mine of the 6th, I mentioned that it would be necessary for me to ask the continuance of this service from you only until I could ascertain the course the squadron of Commodore Douglass meant to pursue. We are now tolerably satisfied as to that course. From everything we have seen, we conclude that it is not their intention to go into a state of general war, or to commit further hostilities than remaining in our waters in defiance, and bring-to vessels within them, until they get their orders from England. We have therefore determined to keep up only a troop of cavalry for patrolling the coast opposite them, and preventing their getting supplies, and the naval and artillery force, now in Norfolk, for its defence. In this state of things, and in consideration of the unhealthy season now approaching at this as other places on the tide-waters, and which we have always retired from about this time, the members of the administration, as well as myself, shall leave this place in three or four days, not to return till the sickly term is over, unless something extraordinary should re-assemble us. It is therefore unnecessary for me to ask any longer the continuance of your labors. You will be so good as to make the proper disposition of whatever articles you may have found it necessary to procure on public account, to make up the accounts for your services according to the principles stated in my letter of the 6th, and to send them either to myself for the Navy department, or to the head of that department directly. They would find me at Monticello. With my thanks for the diligence with which you have executed this trust, accept my salutations and assurances of esteem and respect.

TO GENERAL SMITH

    Washington, July 30, 1807.

Dear Sir,—I kept up your letter of the 23d till the return of General Dearborne enabled us to give to the question of lending arms, a serious consideration. We find that both law and expediency draw a line for our guide. In general, our magazines are open for troops, militia, or others, when they take the field for actual service. Besides this, a law has expressly permitted loans for training volunteers who have engaged themselves for immediate service. The inference is, that we are not to lend to any others. And indeed, were we to lend for training the militia, our whole stock would not suffice, and not an arm would be left for real service. You are sensible, I am sure, that however desirous we might be of gratifying the particular request you have made, yet as what we do for one we must do for another, we could not afterwords stop.

Of the measures suggested in your preceding letter, one only did not exactly meet our ideas. We thought it better not to convene Congress till the 26th of October. Within a fortnight after that we may expect our vessel with the answer of England. Until that arrives there would be no ground sufficiently certain for Congress to act on. In the meanwhile we are making every preparation which could be made were they in session. The detachment act and its appropriation authorizes this. Congress could not declare war without a demand of satisfaction, nor should they lay an embargo while we have so much under the grasp of our adversary. They might, indeed, authorize the building more gun-boats; but having so lately negatived that proposition, it would not be respectful in me even to suggest it again, much less to make it the ground of convening them. If they should change their minds, and authorize the building more, (and indeed I think two hundred more, at least, are necessary, in aid of other works, to secure our harbors,) the winter will suffice for building them, and the winter will also enable us to do much towards batteries and fortifications, if the appropriation be made early. We find that we cannot man our gun-boats now at Norfolk. I think it will be necessary to erect our sea-faring men into a naval militia, and subject them to tours of duty in whatever port they may be.

We have been for some time under dread from the bilious season, now commencing. Mr. Madison and Mr. Gallatin have had symptoms of indisposition. We have nearly everything so arranged as that we can carry on the public affairs at our separate stations. I shall therefore leave this on the 1st of August, for that and the ensuing month. We shall avoid, as far as we honorably can, every act which would precipitate general hostilities, and shorten the interval so necessary for our merchants to get in their property and our seamen. Accept my salutations, and assurances of great esteem and respect.

TO THE MASTERS OF VESSELS IN THE PORT OF CHARLESTON, S. C

    Washington, July 30, 1807.

The offer of your professional services in any way most useful to your country, merits and meets the highest praise. Should the outrages lately committed by the agents of a foreign power, in the Chesapeake and its neighborhood, extend themselves to your port, your services will be valuable towards its security; and if a general appeal is to be made to the public arm for the support of our rights, the spirit from which your offer flows, that which animates our nation, will, I trust, be their sufficient safeguard.

I tender for your country the thanks you so justly deserve.

TO GOVERNOR CABELL

    Washington, July 31, 1807.

Dear Sir,—I shall to-morrow set out for Monticello. Considering the critical state of things, it has been thought better, during my stay there, to establish a daily conveyance of a mail from Fredericksburg to Monticello. This enables me to hear both from the north and south every day. Should you have occasion then to communicate with me, your letters can come to me daily by being put into the Fredericksburg mail, every day except that on which the mail stage leaves Richmond for Milton, by which letters of that day will come to me directly.

The course which things are likely to hold for some time has induced me to discontinue the establishment at Lynhaven for obtaining daily information of the movements of the squadron in that neighborhood. But still as it is expected that a troop of cavalry will patrole that coast constantly, I think it would be advisable if your Excellency would be so good as to instruct the commanding officer of the troop to inform you daily of the occurrences of the day, sending off his letter in time to get to Norfolk before the post hour. This letter, after perusal for your own information, I would ask the favor of you to forward by the post of the day, under cover to me. I think a post comes one day from Norfolk by the way of Petersburg, and the next by the way of Hampton. If so, the letters may come every day. I salute you with great and sincere esteem and respect.

TO COLONEL JOHN TAYLOR

    Washington, August 1, 1807.

Dear Sir,—I received two days ago your letter recommendatory of Mr. Woodford. I knew his father well, and can readily believe that his merits are descended on the son, and especially after what you say of him. If we could always have as good grounds to go upon, it would greatly relieve the terrible business of nominations. But lest you should not have attended to it, I have taken up my pen in the moment of setting out for Monticello, to remind you that whether we receive the militia or volunteers from the States, the appointment of officers will be with them. There therefore should be Mr. Woodford's application. Should we have war with England, regular troops will be necessary; and though in the first moments of the outrage on the Chesapeake I did not suppose it was by authority from their government, I now more and more suspect it, and of course, that they will not give the reparation for the past and security for the future, which alone may prevent war. The new depredations committing on us, with this attack on the Chesapeake, and their calling on Portugal to declare on the one side or the other, if true, prove they have coolly calculated it will be to their benefit to have everything on the ocean fair prize, and to support their navy by plundering all mankind. This is the doctrine of "war in disguise," and I expect they are going to adopt it. It is really mortifying that we should be forced to wish success to Bonaparte, and to look to his victories as our salvation. We expect the return of the Revenge the second week in November, with their answer, or no answer, which will enable Congress to take their course. In the meantime, we will have everything as ready as possible for any course they may prefer. I salute you with friendship and respect.

TO GENERAL DEARBORNE

    Monticello, August 7, 1807.

I dare say that Purcell's map must be of value, and it would be well if his representatives would publish it, but whether worth your purchase, and at what price, General Wilkinson might perhaps satisfy you. I shall write to Marentille that if you think it worth while to give him fifty thousand dollars for his project, you will inform him. In the contrary case, it may be put away in your pigeon hole of projects. Governor Cabell, after informing me of the orders for the discharge of the militia, except a company of artillery, and one of cavalry, as we directed, adds: "I have, however, in pursuance of the advice of council, done what your letter did not expressly authorize. But when I state to you the reasons which influenced the measure, I hope you will approve it. You relied entirely on the troop of horse for cutting off the supplies. But we have received the most satisfactory information of the insufficiency of cavalry to perform that service, in consequence of the particular nature of the country in which they have to act. It is covered with sandbanks and hills, which, in many places (where supplies are most easily procured), render cavalry incapable of action. So severe has this service been, that it has already almost knocked up as fine a battalion of cavalry as any in the United States, perhaps as any in the world. Influenced by these considerations, which we believe had not presented themselves to your mind, because you had not received the necessary information as to facts, the executive have called into service a company of infantry from the county of Princess Anne, to co-operate with the cavalry in cutting off the supplies. Since giving these orders, I understand that General Mathews has anticipated us by calling into actual service the very force we contemplated." Our object was certainly to prevent supplies, and if the means we thought of are not adequate, we should, had we known all circumstances, have provided what would have been effectual; for I think the point of honor requires we should enforce the proclamation in those points in which we have force sufficient. I shall await your opinion, however, before I answer the Governor's letter. Information as late as August 3d, shows that the squadron was quiet in and near the Bay, and General Thomas Hardy, to whom Tazewell delivered the five men, declared to him that his objection to intercourse by flag, was that the two nations were not in a state of war, which alone required it. He said he expected Barclay, or General Robert Lowrie, in a week to take the command. I salute you with sincere affection and respect.

TO HIS EXCELLENCY GOVERNOR CABELL

    Monticello, August 7, 1807.

Dear Sir,—Your letters of July 31st and August 5th were received yesterday. The ground taken in conformity with the Act of Congress, of considering as public enemies British armed vessels in or entering our waters, gives us the benefit of a system of rules, sanctioned by the practice of nations in a state of war, and consequently enabling us with certainty and satisfaction to solve the different cases which may occur in the present state of things. With these rules most officers are acquainted, and especially those old enough to have borne a part in the revolutionary war.

1. As to the enemy within our waters, intercourse, according to the usages of war, can only be by flag; and the ceremonies respecting that are usually a matter of arrangement between the adverse officers commanding in the neighborhood of each other. If no arrangement is agreed on, still the right of sending a flag is inherent in each party, whose discretion will direct him to address it to the proper adverse authority; as otherwise it would be subject to delay or rejection. Letters addressed by flag to persons in authority with the adverse power, may be sent sealed, and should be delivered. But, if to others, or to their own friends happening to be within the limits of the adversary, they must be open. If innocent in the judgment of the receiving officer, courtesy requires their delivery; if otherwise, they may be destroyed or returned by him; but in a case of only suspended amity, as ours, they should be returned. Letters sent from the interdicted vessels to their consul in Norfolk must be open; and the propriety of delivering them judged of by our officer, tempering his judgment however with liberality and urbanity. Those to their minister plenipotentiary here, sealed or unsealed, should be sent to the Secretary of State without any delay. As to the demand of fugitive slaves, it was the custom during the late war, for the owner to apply to our commander for a flag, and to go himself with that, to exhibit his claim and receive the fugitive. And with respect to Americans detained on board their ships, the application should be still, as heretofore, made through the Secretary of State, to whose proper documents are to be furnished. But without waiting for his application, the British officer, knowing them to be Americans and freemen, cannot but feel it a duty to restore them to their liberty on their own demand.