The Bay State Monthly, Volume 3, No. 5

The Massachusetts Democrats have this year a grand opportunity to assert their independence, and to set a wholesome example to the party in other states. They can do no safer, wiser, or more honorable thing than to nominate Judge Woodbury, a Democrat of Democrats, as their standard bearer.

The Boston Evening Record is a sample of daily journalism that is getting to be rather common nowadays. Like many other of its contemporaries, it seems to be impressed with the idea that the province of a newspaper is to coin facts rather than to chronicle them; and that editorial ability consists in getting away from the truth as far as possible.

In a recent issue, it comments on General Butler's article in the North American Review, and more particularly upon the reason why the General did not desire the Republican nomination for the Vice Presidency in 1864, expressed by him as follows:—

Being made to sit as presiding officer over the senate, to listen for four years to debates more or less stupid, in which I can take no part or say a word, nor even be allowed a vote upon any subject which concerns the welfare of the country, except when my enemies might think my vote would injure me in the estimation of the people, and therefore, by some parliamentary trick, make a tie on such question, so I should be compelled to vote; and then, at the end of four years (as nowadays no Vice President is ever elected President), and because of the dignity of the position I had held, not to be permitted to go on with my profession, and therefore with nothing left for me to do save to ornament my lot in the cemetery tastefully, and get into it gracefully and respectably, as a Vice President should do.

The Record asserts that, "this is about as near the truth as Butler ever gets," and then goes on to make some additional statements which, to say the least, are exceedingly interesting, and proofs of which the Editor's Table respectfully requests.

The Record says; "It is true that his (Butler's) name was proposed for the nomination for Vice President in 1864."

Upon whose authority does this assertion rest, and by whom was General Butler's name thus proposed?

The Record says:—"It is also true that he (Butler) heard of it, and objected to the plan not for the reasons he now gives, but because he 'didn't want to run on the ticket with Abe Lincoln.'"

Intensely interesting this, an important fact it would seem for the future historian. But,—will the Record please quote its authority?

The Record says:—"That this was the ground for his (Butler's) refusal to take the nomination, in case it should be offered to him, was well known to those who were informed of the exact state of affairs at the time."

The historian is still incredulous. All this "was well known to those who were informed," etc.,—undoubtedly, but who were these persons? Will the Record cite the name of one living man thus informed? Did General George A. Gordon know anything about it: and if not, why not?

The Record says:—"Butler, in the last days of the war, uttered an insult to the President who was shortly to be made a martyr."

Well, this is really a serious charge, and the public certainly will be interested in knowing what the "insult" was. Will the Record kindly explain? For the present, the subject may rest here. In the name of truth and justice, however, the Editor's Table humbly requests that the Evening Record will enlighten its contemporaries.

The Republican newspapers have all been pleased to remark that President Cleveland has done a very decent thing by refusing to appoint as post-master at Mr. Blaine's home, in Augusta, the Democratic editor, who "was virulently active in publishing particularly unclean falsehoods concerning the Republican candidate last fall." Mr. Blaine had a perfect right to object, and he exercised the right, to the appointment of Morton; and likewise, the President had a perfect right not to heed the objection,—a right, however, which he did not exercise. The action of the President therefore commends itself to the right-thinking men of all parties.

So far as the Editor's Table can remember, this is the first opportunity that the Republican newspapers have improved to say anything good of President Cleveland, who, it is not forgotten, was a target for as virulent and uncalled for abuse as was ever heaped upon any known American citizen. Magnanimity is always in order even in politics.

Civil Service Reform seems to-day to be the mare of the Mugwumps and the nightmare of everybody else. The eloquence or, if you please, the waste of words which the minority employ in advocating its deceptive principles, is only to be contrasted with the almost ludicrous indifference with which both Republican and Democratic majorities regard it. Thoughtful people are, at this time, more concerned with the prospective treatment of the tariff problem.

Now, it is neither our purpose nor desire to add to the literature of discussion, on this important theme; but one thought which occurs to us may here be submitted in the form of a question. People who talk much on tariff topics are supposed to be interested in the same, and to have some reason, good, bad, or indifferent, for advancing their diverse arguments.

To all such, the inquiry may be addressed:—Are you sure that you believe in a "protective" tariff because you think it is a public benefit, or because you think it is a private benefit?

And again:—Does "protective" tariff protect? If it does,—whom?

Last autumn, the cry arose throughout the land that free trade meant the destruction of home labor, and the "introduction of the pauper labor of Europe," or at least a competition at home with the pauper labor of Europe. Well, some very dismal pictures have been drawn of the condition of the pauper labor of Europe, and when thinking of them, it must be confessed that one does not like to run any risks.

But suppose that we widen the thought a little. At this very moment, the iron monopoly of this country is raising a fund to head off a tariff revision, or to bring about an increased duty. What can be said of the Iron Monopoly? This, as one fact; that in Pennsylvania, it employs miners at fourteen dollars a month, charges them five dollars a month each for a tenement in which to live, and charges them exorbitant prices for the food and provisions which, in spite of a law prohibiting the system, must be purchased at the Monopoly's stores. At the end of the month, many of these miners have not only consumed every dollar of their wages but are actually in debt. It is stated, further, as an incontestable fact that, "a miner who objects to the amount of work or wages given to him gets no more of either, for he is at once dropped from the rolls, and his name is sent to the neighboring mines as that of a man unlit for employment." These people subsist—miraculously—on scanty and unwholesome food, and frequently are subjected to the greatest hardships.

We assert that this is no fanciful picture. It is the absolute truth, with the worst untold. Monopoly is fond of calling these pitiable men "Molly Maguires,"—"a dangerous class that must be carefully watched!" These men are protected, and their industry and their entire living afford a charming picture of the results of the "protective" system, so far as the Iron Monopoly is concerned. With such facts as these to ponder over, and with the additional knowledge that there is not a single person today employed in a cotton or woolen mill in the United States who is not taxed in the name of protection, to enrich the corporation for whom he labors, it seems almost inexplicable that honest men should neglect one of the greatest and, as God knows, one of the most threatening problems of this age and country, and waste words and precious moments over that most arrant humbug—Civil Service Reform. The People are more important than the Government: for to-day the Government is the politicians.

HISTORICAL RECORD

September 10.—The seventy-second anniversary of our first great Naval victory was celebrated at Newport, R.I. The most important incident was the unveiling of the statue erected to the honor of its hero. Commodore Oliver Hazard Perry. The order of exercises included a brilliant oration by the Hon. William P. Sheffield, chairman of the Perry statue committee, this oration by courtesy of its author being printed in full in this number of the Bay State Monthly; other addresses at the unveiling were made by Governor George Peabody Wetmore and Mayor Robert S. Franklin. At the banquet among the speakers were the Governor, Hon. George Bancroft, the historian, Mayor Franklin, Judge Blatchford, Chief Justice Durfee, Admiral Rodgers, and Admiral Almy. The occasion was an exceedingly notable one.

September 12.—The two hundred and fiftieth anniversary of the incorporation of the town of Concord, Mass., was celebrated with appropriate military and civic exercises. There was first, a procession, reviewed by the Governor and invited guests. At the town hall an oration was delivered by Senator George F. Hoar, and other interesting literary exercises took place, at the conclusion of which the line was reformed and the march was taken up to the Hall where the dinner was served. Judge John S. Keyes presided, and the principal after dinner speeches were made by William M. Evarts, George William Curtis, George F. Hoar, E. Rockwood Hoar, James Russell Lowell, and others.

September 15.—The town of Hingham, Mass., celebrated the quarter millenial of its incorporation as a town. Business was generally suspended, and all the prominent residences and public buildings were elaborately decorated. There was a procession at 11 A.M. to the "old meeting house." The order of exercises at this place included an oration by Hon. Solomon Lincoln. A banquet was spread in Agricultural Hail, attended by ex-governor Long and many other notables. The bells on all the churches were rung at sunset and as darkness settled over the town, bonfires were lighted upon Baker's, Otis, Planter's, Turkey, Liberty Pole and Prospect Hills. The Hingham band gave an open air concert, and in the evening the citizens and invited guests held a social reunion at the hall.

September 16—The annual Salisbury beach gathering opened and continued through the 17th. About five thousand persons attended. The exercises consisted of band concerts, base ball, illuminations, etc.

September 16.—The great race in New York harbor between the Yankee yacht "Puritan" and the English yacht "Genesta,"—the second in the contest was won by the former, thus deciding that the America's cup shall remain in America. The sailing tune was: Puritan, 5.03. 14: Genesta, 5.04. 52.

OBITUARY

September 1.—In Cohasset, Mass., Charles Faulkner of the Boston and New York firm of Faulkner, Page & Co.

September 6.—In New Bedford, Mass., William A. Wall, a well known artist.

September 8.—In Hanover, N.H., Edward A. Rollins of Philadelphia, ex-commissioner of internal revenue.

September 8.—In Haverhill, Mass., Rev. Raymond H. Seeley, D.D. a prominent Congregational clergyman.

September 12.—Jonathan Cartland of Lee, Mass, died, aged seventy-six. He was one of the leading old guard of abolitionists, an uncompromising prohibitory advocate, and a bosom friend and co-worker of Wendell Phillips. He held many important town and county offices. He was a warm friend of the fleeing negroes from the South to Canada, his home being the refuge for many, and often piloting them from there by night to the Canadian border.

September 14.—The death of Hon. Oliver Warner occurred at Lynn, Mass. He was the son of Oliver Warner of Northampton, where he was born on April 17, 1818. He was graduated at Williams College in 1842, and subsequently at Gilmanton Theological Seminary. He officiated as a Congregational clergyman at Chesterfield from 1844 to 1846. In 1552 and 1853 he was a tutor at Williston Seminary, Easthampton. In 1854 and 1855 he served in the Massachusetts House of Representatives, and in 1856 and 1857 in the Senate. He occupied the position of secretary of state for eighteen years, retiring in 1876. His majority in 1872 was greater than any other on the Republican ticket. In 1875 considerable opposition was made to his election, the effect of which was to lose him the Republican nomination and the office. From 1876 to 1879 he filled the position of librarian of the State Library. In September, 1882, he married Miss Newhall of Lynn, and departed on a six months' tour in Europe.

September 16.—Rev. Benjamin F. Tefft, D.D., LL.D., a widely known Methodist divine, died, aged seventy two years, from a shock of paralysis received on Friday. He was one of the ablest pulpit orators in the denomination, has been a president of the Genesee College, editor of the Methodist Book concern and author of several works. He was a member of the New York Geographical and Statistical Society, the Society of Arts of London, etc. He was United States consul to Stockholm in 1862, and acting minister to Sweden, and commissioner of emigration from Europe to the state of Maine in 1864. He has been in poor health the past two years. Dr. Tefft was the author of "Evolution and Christianity," published last Spring, a veritable encyclopaedia of Evolution-lore.

AMONG THE BOOKS

A very notable contribution to the annals of our times is the publication of the Writings and Speeches of Samuel L. Tilden[1 - The Writings and Speeches of Samuel J. Tilden. Edited by John Bigelow In two volumes. New York: Harper & Brothers. Price $6.00.] This contribution is comprised in two volumes, and is so complete in itself as to ensure a welcome from not only a large body of political sympathizers and admirers but also from all students of American political history. Mr. Tilden has the honor of being unquestionably the greatest Democratic leader of recent years, and, in more ways than one, of being a unique figure among the statesmen whom his country has produced.

He was born in New Lebanon, N.Y. 1814, and before he reached his majority he began to discuss political questions in print and on the rostrum. In these early, as well as in later years, he was in his instincts a conservative; as time moved on, he grew more and more fond of the democracy of Jefferson and of Jackson, and their democracy, it may be said, has had, during the past quarter of a century, no more devoted or worthier expounder and representative than Mr. Tilden. No question of paramount interest has arisen that has not, from the Democratic standpoint, received his attention. When the nullifiers assaulted the Union he stood by it; whenever anybody has undertaken to advocate the American "protection" system, he has invariably denounced it as unconstitutional, in this respect differing from another leading Democrat, General Butler. Mr. Tilden also stood by the removal of the deposits from the United States Banks, advocated the establishment of the Sub Treasury, and was the first to contend for free banking. He asserted the supervision of legislatures over charters of their own creation. He protested against the nationalization of slavery in 1848.

These few specifications of a general character, to say nothing of those of special interest, indicate something of the wealth of thought and expression contained within the covers of these volumes. Of the minor themes, one was exceedingly important in its day, and important also as a lesson for future municipalities,—namely, the Tweed charter for New York city and the story of the destruction of the Tweed ring. It is herein presented with the fullest details.

Mr. Bigelow, the editor of the collection, has happily taken the time for publication when Mr. Tilden has retired from active political service; and thus the volumes may now be read with a less prejudiced mind than in a former period of years.

It is impossible not to derive information and suggestions from a careful perusal of these discussions, and inspiration from the dignity with which they are conducted; at the same time the reader is somehow impressed in the perusal that Mr. Tilden is neither a great statesman per se, nor always a safe one to follow. At this hour, it would be difficult to estimate the influence which he has exerted upon the politics of his time. The accident of a political defeat, rather than any extraordinary ability of his own, won for him the remarkable and enthusiastic loyalty of his party, and perhaps also a political immortality. As is still remembered, he bore his defeat manfully and with a dignified grace unexampled in history, when all the circumstances are considered, and this will be to his everlasting honor. During his active participation in politics, Mr. Tilden was a partisan, in the best sense of that word, as every man must be who lives and thinks under our system of government. He cherished principles directly opposed to those of a host of his contemporaries, and this, too, was a prerogative of his citizenship. Nevertheless, the integrity of his character was never questioned, his motives were always honorable, his opinions were generally carefully conceded and candidly asserted, his acts never savored of trickery. We wish as much could be said of many who have professed admiration of the man, as well as of many who have not scrupled to malign him to a merciless degree.

We have been particularly pleased with the four volumes which are comprised in the "Garnet Series."[2 - THE GARNET SERIES;—Readings from Ruskin—Readings from Macauley—Art and the Formation of Taste—Life and Works of Michel Angelo. 5 vols. Boston; The Chautauqua Press.]—They are, to speak first of their mechanical attractions, handsomely made, as regards paper, press-work and binding, and at once tempt the reader to look within. The object of their publication is to furnish in neat but low priced books choice reading to so called Chautauqua circles; and thus far there is a promise of brilliant success.

The character of the contents of these volumes demands neither explanation nor criticism at this time. Readings from Ruskin is edited with a suitable introduction, by Prof. H.A. Beers of Yale College, and the selections are made mostly from the great writer's chapters pertaining to Italy. The Readings from Macaulay also pertains to Italy, including the remarkable essays on Dante, Petrarch and Machiavelli, and the Lays of Ancient Rome, and is pleasantly "introduced" by Donald G. Mitchell. An exceedingly timely volume is that entitled Art and the Formation of Taste, by Lucy Crane, with illustrations drawn by Thomas and Walter Crane. It is one of the most inspiring and practical books on the subject that have been written in our generation. Charles C. Black's Michael Angelo contains within 275 pages the principal facts of the great sculptor's life and labors, faithfully and appreciatively recounted. It is, so far as it goes, declared to be a very valuable work. We cannot too highly commend these publications. Every one of them is an incentive to further reading and reflection.

Dr. George H. Moore is the superintendent of the Lenox Library and a man who is not afraid to dip into old parchments and musty records. We wish that there were more of his kind. Students of our local annals are indebted to him for the preparation and publication of two important and interesting brochures, which have recently appeared. His Notes on the History of the old State House,[3 - Notes on the History of the Old State House. By George H. Moore, LL. D. Boston: Cupples, Upham & Co. Paper. 50 cents.] formerly known as "The Town House in Boston," "The Court House in Boston," "The Province Court House," "The State House," and "The City Hall" was first read before the Bostonian Society, last May, and was listened to with the closest attention. The second brochure, embracing 120 pages, bears the title: Final notes on Witchcraft in Massachusetts[4 - Final notes on Witchcraft in Massachusetts. By same author. New York: Printed for the author. Sold in Boston, by Cupples, Upham & Co. Paper, $1.00.] and is a vindication of the laws and liberties concerning attainders with corruptions of Blood, Escheats, forfeitures for crime and pardon of offenders, etc. This is the fifth pamphlet which Dr. Moore has issued on the subject of Witchcraft in Massachusetts, and it concludes the series. We hope, at a future time, to be able to refer to them again, for they shed much light on our colonial history, and to our historical literature constitute very valuable additions.

Mr. Smith's recent work on The Science of Business[5 - The Science of Business. By Roderick H. Smith, New York: G.P. Putnam's Sons. Price $1.25.] should be read, and its facts and arguments carefully weighed, by all men of business. It professes to be a study of the principles controlling the laws of exchange. Reasoning from analogies existing in the natural world, the author logically deduces his law that civilization moves along lines of least resistance, and contends that this law holds true throughout the phenomena of mind also. The law of the survival of the fittest is but another expression of the subject under discussion. "Do we not see civilization," asks the author, "advancing along those lines where the tractive forces are the greatest, where the least labor will produce the largest crops, and where the obstacles to complete living are the fewest? Do not people invest their money where it will safely bring the largest returns? Do we not buy in the cheapest, and sell in the dearest market? Does not the tide of immigration set from least favored nations to the most favored?" There is still one other law,—that motion is always rhythmical. These two principles or laws Mr. Smith applies to his theories regarding general business, the iron industry, the building of railroads, immigration, stocks, exchange, foreign trade, etc. Indeed his theories are based on these laws, and are worthy of consideration if not always of acceptance. We quote one reflection:—"If we admit that business motions are in the line of least resistance, and rhythmic, and that these rhythms show a tendency to become balanced, we may conclude that panics and periods of depression will always continue at intervals, with this qualification, the next period of depression will not be as severe as the present, and the next less severe, and so on, until, to all outward signs, they will at last cease."

By reason of a lack of space, we cannot say all that we had wished to say in regard to this work. It is, on the whole, a most ingenious argument, well conceived and brilliantly sustained. We are not sure that Mr. Smith has not explained satisfactorily some of the nuggets of mystery which have so long puzzled the brains of business men.

PUBLISHER'S DEPARTMENT

An early forthcoming issue of the Bay State Monthly will contain an elaborate article of great value upon the manufactures and various important industries of "A Model Industrial City," for which fine illustrations are being prepared.

Special invitation is extended to all Public and private Libraries, Historical, Intellectual and Literary Societies, as well as to every lover of New England, to join their efforts with ours to the end that the Bay State Monthly shall be a competent medium of preserving the great and rapidly increasing amount of history pertaining to New England, and no less a worthy representative of its literature and material progress.