History of the Buccaneers of America

Vattel has described this case. He says, 'When a nation has not sufficient strength of itself, and is not in a condition to resist its enemies, it may lawfully submit to a more powerful nation on certain conditions upon which they shall come to an agreement; and the pact or treaty of submission will be afterwards the measure and rule of the rights of each. For that which submits, resigning a right it possessed, and conveying it to another, has an absolute power to make this conveyance upon what conditions it pleases; and the other, by accepting the submission on this footing, engages to observe religiously all the clauses in the treaty.

When a nation has placed itself under the protection of another that is more powerful, or has submitted to it with a view of protection; if this last does not effectually grant its protection when wanted, it is manifest that by failing in its engagements it loses the rights it had acquired.'

The rights lost or relinquished by Great Britain might possibly be of small import to her; but the loss of our protection was of infinite consequence to the Mosquito people. Advantages supposed or real gained to Great Britain, is not to be pleaded in excuse or palliation for withdrawing her protection; for that would seem to imply that an engagement is more or less binding according to the greater or less interest there may be in observing it. But if there had been no engagement, the length and steadiness of their attachment to Great Britain would have entitled them to her protection, and the nature of the case rendered the obligation sacred; for be it repeated, that experience had shewn the delivering them up to the dominion of the Spaniards, was delivering them to certain slavery and death. These considerations possibly might not occur, for there seems to have been a want of information on the subject in the British Ministry, and also a want of attention to the remonstrances made. The Mosquito Country, and the native inhabitants, the best affected and most constant of all the friends the British ever had, were abandoned in the summer of 1787, to the Spaniards, the known exterminators of millions of the native Americans, and who were moreover incensed against the Mosquito men, for the part they had always taken with the British, by whom they were thus forsaken. The British settlers in that country found it necessary, to withdraw as speedily as they had opportunity, with their effects.

If the business had been fully understood, and the safety of Great Britain had depended upon abandoning the Mosquito people to their merciless enemies, it would have been thought disgraceful by the nation to have done it; but the national interest being trivial, and the public in general being uninformed in the matter, the transaction took place without attracting much notice. A motion, however, was made in the British House of Lords, 'that the terms of the Convention with Spain, signed in July 1786, did not meet the favourable opinion of this House;' and the noble Mover objected to that part of the Convention which related to the surrender of the British possessions on the Mosquito Shore, that it was a humiliation, and derogating from the rights of Great Britain. The first Article of the Treaty of 1786 says, 'His Britannic Majesty's subjects, and the other Colonists, who have hitherto enjoyed the protection of England, shall evacuate the Country of the Mosquitos, as well as the Continent in general, and the Islands adjacent, without exception, situated beyond the line hereafter described, as what ought to be the extent of territory granted by his Catholic Majesty to the English.'

In the debate, rights were asserted for Spain, not only to what she then possessed on the Continent of America, but to parts she had never possessed. Was this want of information, or want of consideration? The word 'granted' was improperly introduced. In truth and justice, the claims of Spain to America are not to be acknowledged rights. They were founded in usurpation, and prosecuted by the extermination of the lawful and natural proprietors. It is an offence to morality and to humanity to pretend that Spain had so clear and just a title to any part of her possessions on the Continent of America, as Great Britain had to the Mosquito Country. The rights of the Mosquito people, and their claims to the friendship of Great Britain, were not sufficiently made known; and the motion was negatived. It might have been of service in this debate to have quoted Dampier.

In conclusion, the case of the Mosquito people deserves, and demands the reconsideration of Great Britain. If, on examination, it shall be proved that they have been ungenerously and unjustly treated, it may not be too late to seek to make reparation, which ought to be done as far as circumstances will yet admit. The first step towards this would be, to institute enquiry if there are living any of our forsaken friends, or of their posterity, and what is their present condition. If the Mosquito people have been humanely and justly governed since their separation from Great Britain, the enquiry will give the Spaniards cause for triumph, and the British cause to rejoice that evil has not resulted from their act. On the other hand, should it be found that they have shared in the common calamities heaped upon the natives of America by the Spaniards, then, if there yet exist enough of their tribe to form a nation, it would be right to restore them, if practicable, to the country and situation of which their fathers were deprived, or to find them an equivalent; and at any price or pains, to deliver them from oppression. If only few remain, those few should be freed from their bondage, and be liberally provided with lands and maintenance in our own West-India Islands.

CHAPTER IX

Journey of the Buccaneers across the Isthmus of America

1680. April 5th, Buccaneers land on the Isthmus. On the 5th of April, 1680, three hundred and thirty-one Buccaneers, most of them English, passed over from Golden Island, and landed in Darien, 'each man provided with four cakes of bread called dough-boys, with a fusil, a pistol, and a hanger.' They began their journey marshalled in divisions, with distinguishing flags, under their several commanders, Bartholomew Sharp and his men taking the lead. Many Darien Indians kept them company as their confederates, and supplied them with plantains, fruit, and venison, for which payment was made in axes, hatchets, knives, needles, beads, and trinkets; all which the Buccaneers had taken care to come well provided with. Among the Darien Indians in company were two Chiefs, who went by the names of Captain Andreas and Captain Antonio.

The First Day's March. The commencement of their march was through the skirt of a wood, which having passed, they proceeded about a league by the side of a bay, and afterwards about two leagues directly up a woody valley, where was an Indian house and plantation by the side of a river. Here they took up their lodging for the night, those who could not be received in the house, building huts. The Indians were earnest in cautioning them against sleeping in the grass, on account of adders. This first day's journey discouraged four of the Buccaneers, and they returned to the ships. Stones were found in the river, which on being broken, shone with sparks of gold. These stones, they were told, were driven down from the neighbouring mountains by torrents during the rainy season[17 - Narrative by Basil Ringrose, p. 5.].

Second Day's Journey. The next morning, at sunrise, they proceeded in their journey, labouring up a steep hill, which they surmounted about three in the afternoon; and at the foot on the other side, they rested on the bank of a river, which Captain Andreas told them ran into the South Sea, and was the same by which the town of Santa Maria was situated. They marched afterwards about six miles farther, over another steep hill, where the path was so narrow that seldom more than one man could pass at a time. At night, they took up their lodging by the side of the river, having marched this day, according to their computation, eighteen miles.

7th. Third Day's Journey. The next day, April the 7th, the march was continued by the river, the course of which was so serpentine, that they had to cross it almost at every half mile, sometimes up to their knees, sometimes to their middle, and running with a very swift current. About noon they arrived at some large Indian houses, neatly built, the sides of wood of the cabbage-tree, and the roofs of cane thatched over with palmito leaves. The interior had divisions into rooms, but no upper story; and before each house was a large plantain walk. Continuing their journey, at five in the afternoon, they came to a house belonging to a son of Captain Andreas, who wore a wreath of gold about his head, for which he was honoured by the Buccaneers with the title of King Golden Cap. 8th. They found their entertainment at King Golden Cap's house so good, that they rested there the whole of the following day. Bartholomew Sharp, who published a Journal of his expedition, says here, 'The inhabitants of Darien are for the most part very handsome, especially the female sex, who are also exceeding loving and free to the embraces of strangers.' This was calumny. Basil Ringrose, another Buccaneer, whose Journal has been published, and who is more entitled to credit than Sharp, as will be seen, says of the Darien women, 'they are generally well featured, very free, airy, and brisk; yet withal very modest.' Lionel Wafer also, who lived many months among the Indians of the Isthmus, speaks highly of the modesty, kindness of disposition, and innocency, of the Darien women.

9th. Fourth Day's Journey. On the 9th, after breakfast, they pursued their journey, accompanied by the Darien Chiefs, and about 200 Indians, who were armed with bows and lances. They descended along the river, which they had to wade through between fifty and sixty times, and they came to a house 'only here and there.' At most of these houses, the owner, who had been apprised of the march of the Buccaneers, stood at the door, and as they passed, gave to each man a ripe plantain, or some sweet cassava root. If the Buccaneer desired more, he was expected to purchase. Some of the Indians, to count the number of the Buccaneers, for every man that went by dropped a grain of corn. That night they lodged at three large houses, where they found entertainment provided, and also canoes for them to descend the river, which began here to be navigable.

10th. Fifth Day's Journey. The next morning, as they were preparing to depart, two of the Buccaneer Commanders, John Coxon and Peter Harris, had some disagreement, and Coxon fired his musket at Harris, who was about to fire in return, but other Buccaneers interposed, and effected a reconciliation. Seventy of the Buccaneers embarked in fourteen canoes, in each of which two Indians also went, who best knew how to manage and guide them down the stream: the rest prosecuted their march by land. The men in the canoes found that mode of travelling quite as wearisome as marching, for at almost every furlong they were constrained to quit their boats to lanch them over rocks, or over trees that had fallen athwart the river, and sometimes over necks of land. At night, they stopped and made themselves huts on a green bank by the river's side. Here they shot wild-fowl.

11th. Sixth Day's Journey. The next day, the canoes continued to descend the river, having the same kind of impediments to overcome as on the preceding day; and at night, they lodged again on the green bank of the river. The land party had not kept up with them. Bartholomew Sharp says, 'Our supper entertainment was a very good sort of a wild beast called a Warre, which is much like to our English hog, and altogether as good. There are store of them in this part of the world: I observed that the navels of these animals grew upon their backs.' Wafer calls this species of the wild hog, Pecary[18 - De Rochfort describes this animal under the name Javaris. Hist. Nat. des Isles Antilles, p. 138, edit. 1665. It is also described by Pennant, in his Synopsis of Quadrupeds, Art. Mexican Wild Hog.]. In the night a small tiger came, and after looking at them some time, went away. The Buccaneers did not fire at him, lest the noise of their muskets should give alarm to the Spaniards at Sta Maria.

12th. Seventh Day's Journey. The next day, the water party again embarked, but under some anxiety at being so long without having any communication with the party marching by land. Captain Andreas perceiving their uneasiness, sent a canoe back up the river, which returned before sunset with some of the land party, and intelligence that the rest were near at hand.

13th. Tuesday the 13th, early in the day, the Buccaneers arrived at a beachy point of land, where another stream from the uplands joined the river. This place had sometimes been the rendezvous of the Darien Indians, when they collected for attack or defence against the Spaniards; and here the whole party now made a halt, to rest themselves, and to clean and prepare their arms. They also made paddles and oars to row with; for thus far down the river, the canoes had been carried by the stream, and guided with poles: but here the river was broad and deep.

14th. On the 14th, the whole party, Buccaneers and Indians, making nearly 600 men, embarked in 68 canoes, which the Indians had provided. At midnight, they put to land, within half a mile of the town of Sta Maria. 15th. In the morning at the break of day, they heard muskets fired by the guard in the town, and a 'drum beating à travailler[19 - Ringrose.Buccaneers of America, Part IV. p. 10. The early morning drum has, in our time, been called the Reveiller. Either that or a travailler seems applicable; for according to Boyer, travailler signifies to trouble, or disturb, as well as to work; and it is probable, from the age of the authority above cited, that the original term was à travailler.].' Fort of Sta Maria taken. The Buccaneers put themselves in motion, and by seven in the morning came to the open ground before the Fort, when the Spaniards began firing upon them. The Fort was formed simply with palisadoes, without brickwork, so that after pulling down two or three of the palisadoes, the Buccaneers entered without farther opposition, and without the loss of a man; nevertheless, they acted with so little moderation or mercy, that twenty-six Spaniards were killed, and sixteen wounded. After the surrender, the Indians took many of the Spaniards into the adjoining woods, where they killed them with lances; and if they had not been discovered in their amusement, and prevented, not a Spaniard would have been left alive. It is said in a Buccaneer account, that they found here the eldest daughter of the King of Darien, Captain Andreas, who had been forced from her father's house by one of the garrison, and was with child by him; which greatly incensed the father against the Spaniards.

The Buccaneers were much disappointed in their expectations of plunder, for the Spaniards had by some means received notice of their intended visit in time to send away almost all that was of value. A Buccaneer says, 'though we examined our prisoners severely, the whole that we could pillage, either in the town or fort, amounted only to twenty pounds weight of gold, and a small quantity of silver; whereas three days sooner, we should have found three hundred pounds weight in gold in the Fort.'

John Coxon chosen Commander. The majority of the Buccaneers were desirous to proceed in their canoes to the South Sea, to seek compensation for their disappointment at Sta Maria. John Coxon and his followers were for returning; on which account, and not from an opinion of his capability, those who were for the South Sea, offered Coxon the post of General, provided he and his men would join in their scheme, which offer was accepted.

It was then determined to descend with the stream of the river to the Gulf de San Miguel, which is on the East side of the Bay of Panama. The greater part of the Darien Indians, however, separated from them at Sta Maria, and returned to their homes. The Darien Chief Andreas, and his son Golden Cap, with some followers, continued with the Buccaneers.

Among the people of Darien were remarked some white, 'fairer than any people in Europe, who had hair like unto the finest flax; and it was reported of them that they could see farther in the dark than in the light[20 - Narrative by Basil Ringrose, p. 3.].'

The River of Sta Maria is the largest of several rivers which fall into the Gulf de San Miguel. Abreast where the town stood, it was reckoned to be twice as broad as the River Thames is at London. The rise and fall of the tide there was two fathoms and a half[21 - Ringrose, p. 11.].

April 17th. April the 17th, the Buccaneers and their remaining allies embarked from Sta Maria, in canoes and a small bark which was found at anchor before the town. About thirty Spaniards who had been made prisoners, earnestly entreated that they should not be left behind to fall into the hands of the Indians. 'We had much ado,' say the Buccaneers, 'to find boats enough for ourselves: the Spaniards, however, found or made bark logs, and it being for their lives, made shift to come along with us.' 18th, They arrive at the South Sea. At ten that night it was low water, and they stopped on account of the flood tide. The next morning they pursued their course to the sea.

CHAPTER X

First Buccaneer Expedition in the South Sea

1680. April 19th. In the Bay of Panama. 22d. Island Chepillo. On the 19th of April, the Buccaneers, under the command of John Coxon, entered the Bay of Panama; and the same day, at one of the Islands in the Bay, they captured a Spanish vessel of 30 tons, on board of which 130 of the Buccaneers immediately placed themselves, glad to be relieved from the cramped and crowded state they had endured in the canoes. The next day another small bark was taken. The pursuit of these vessels, and seeking among the Islands for provisions, had separated the Buccaneers; but they had agreed to rendezvous at the Island Chepillo, near the entrance of the River Cheapo. Sharp, however, and some others, wanting fresh water, went to the Pearl Islands. The rest got to Chepillo on the 22d, where they found good provision of plantains, fresh water, and hogs; and at four o'clock that same afternoon, they rowed from the Island towards Panama.

By this time, intelligence of their being in the Bay had reached the city. Eight vessels were lying in the road, three of which the Spaniards hastily equipped, manning them with the crews of all the vessels, and the addition of men from the shore; the whole, according to the Buccaneer accounts, not exceeding 230 men, and not more than one-third of them being Europeans; the rest were mulattoes and negroes.

23d. Battle with a small Spanish Armament. The Buccaneers victorious. On the 23d, before sunrise, the Buccaneers came in sight of the city; and as soon as they were descried, the three armed Spanish ships got under sail, and stood towards them. The conflict was severe, and lasted the greater part of the day, when it terminated in the defeat of the Spaniards, two of their vessels being carried by boarding, and the third obliged to save herself by flight. The Spanish Commander fell, with many of his people. Of the Buccaneers, 18 were killed, and above 30 wounded. Peter Harris, one of their Captains, was among the wounded, and died two days after.

One Buccaneer account says, 'we were in all 68 men that were engaged in the fight of that day.' Another Buccaneer relates, 'we had sent away the Spanish bark to seek fresh water, and had put on board her above one hundred of our best men; so that we had only canoes for this fight, and in them not above 200 fighting men.' The Spanish ships fought with great bravery, but were overmatched, being manned with motley and untaught crews; whereas the Buccaneers had been in constant training to the use of their arms; and their being in canoes was no great disadvantage, as they had a smooth sea to fight in. Richard Sawkins. The valour of Richard Sawkins, who, after being three times repulsed, succeeded in boarding and capturing one of the Spanish ships, was principally instrumental in gaining the victory to the Buccaneers. It gained him also their confidence, and the more fully as some among them were thought to have shewn backwardness, of which number John Coxon, their elected Commander, appears to have been. The Darien Chiefs were in the heat of the battle.

The New City of Panama, four miles Westward of the Old City. The Buccaneers take several Prizes. Immediately after the victory, the Buccaneers stood towards Panama, then a new city, and on a different site from the old, being four miles Westward of the ruins of the city burnt by Morgan. The old city had yet some inhabitants. The present adventurers did not judge their strength sufficient for landing, and they contented themselves with capturing the vessels that were at anchor near the small Islands of Perico, in the road before the city. One of these vessels was a ship named the Trinidad, of 400 tons burthen, in good condition, a fast sailer, and had on board a cargo principally consisting of wine, sugar, and sweetmeats; and moreover a considerable sum of money. The Spanish crew, before they left her, had both scuttled and set her on fire, but the Buccaneers took possession in time to extinguish the flames, and to stop the leaks. In the other prizes they found flour and ammunition; and two of them, besides the Trinidad, they fitted up for cruising. Two prize vessels, and a quantity of goods which were of no use to them, as iron, skins, and soap, which the Spaniards at Panama refused to ransom, they destroyed. Besides these, they captured among the Islands some small vessels laden with poultry. Thus in less than a week after their arrival across the Isthmus to the coast of the South Sea, they were provided with a small fleet, not ill equipped; and with which they now formed an actual and close blockade by sea, of Panama, stationing themselves at anchor in front of the city.

Panama, the new City. This new city was already considerably larger than old Panama had ever been, its extent being in length full a mile and a half, and in breadth above a mile. The churches (eight in number) were not yet finished. The cathedral church at the Old Town was still in use, 'the beautiful building whereof,' says Ringrose, 'maketh a fair show at a distance, like unto the church of St. Paul's at London. Round the city for the space of seven leagues, more or less, all the adjacent country is what they call in the Spanish language, Savana, that is to say, plain and level ground, as smooth as a sheet; only here and there is to be seen a small spot of woody land. And every where, this level ground is full of vacadas, where whole droves of cows and oxen are kept. But the ground whereon the city standeth, is damp and moist, and of bad repute for health. The sea is also very full of worms, much prejudicial to shipping, for which reason the king's ships are always kept near Lima. We found here in one night after our arrival, worms of three quarters of an inch in length, both in our bed-cloaths and other apparel.'

Coxon and his Men return to the West Indies. Within two or three days after the battle with the Spanish Armadilla, discord broke out among the Buccaneers. The reflections made upon the behaviour of Coxon and some of his followers, determined him and seventy men to return by the River of Sta Maria over the Isthmus to the North Sea. Two of the small prize vessels were given them for this purpose, and at the same time, the Darien Chiefs, Captain Andreas and Captain Antonio, with most of their people, departed to return to their homes. Andreas shewed his goodwill towards the Buccaneers who remained in the South Sea, by leaving with them a son and one of his nephews.

Richard Sawkins chosen Commander. On the departure of Coxon, Richard Sawkins was chosen General or Chief Commander. They continued ten days in the road before Panama, at the end of which they retired to an Island named Taboga, more distant, but whence they could see vessels going to, or coming from, Panama. At Taboga they stopped nearly a fortnight, having had notice that a rich ship from Lima was shortly expected; but she came not within that time. Some other vessels however fell into their hands, by which they obtained in specie between fifty and sixty thousand dollars, 1200 packs of flour, 2000 jars of wine, a quantity of brandy, sugar, sweetmeats, poultry, and other provisions, some gunpowder and shot, besides various other articles of merchandise. Among their prisoners, were a number of negro slaves, which was a temptation to the merchants of Panama, to go to the ships whilst they lay at Taboga, who purchased part of the prize goods, and as many of the negroes as the Buccaneers would part with, giving for a negro two hundred pieces of eight; and they also sold to the Buccaneers such stores and commodities as they were in need of. May. Ringrose relates, that in the course of this communication, a message was delivered to their Chief from the Governor of Panama, demanding, "why, during a time of peace between England and Spain, Englishmen should come into those seas, to commit injury? and from whom they had their commission so to do?" To which message, Sawkins returned answer, 'that he and his companions came to assist their friend the King of Darien, who was the rightful Lord of Panama, and all the country thereabouts. That as they had come so far, it was reasonable they should receive some satisfaction for their trouble; and if the Governor would send to them 500 pieces of eight for each man, and 1000 for each commander, and would promise not any farther to annoy the Darien Indians, their allies, that then the Buccaneers would desist from hostilities, and go quietly about their business.'

By the Spaniards who traded with them, Sawkins learnt that the Bishop of Panama was a person whom he had formerly taken prisoner in the West Indies, and sent him a small present as a token of regard; the Bishop sent a gold ring in return.

Island Taboga. Sawkins would have waited longer for the rich ship expected from Peru; but all the live stock within reach had been consumed, and his men became impatient for fresh provisions. 'This Taboga,' says Sharp, 'is an exceeding pleasant island, abounding in fruits, such as pine-apples, oranges, lemons, pears, mammees, cocoa-nuts, and others; with a small, but brave commodious fresh river running in it. The anchorage is also clear and good.'

15th. Island Otoque. On the 15th of May, they sailed to the Island Otoque, at which place they found hogs and poultry; and, the same day, or the day following, they departed with three ships and two small barks, from the Bay of Panama, steering Westward for a Spanish town named Pueblo Nuevo.

In this short distance they had much blowing weather and contrary winds, by which both the small barks, one with fifteen men, the other with seven men, were separated from the ships, and did not join them again. The crew of one of these barks returned over the Isthmus with Coxon's party. The other bark was taken by the Spaniards.

At Quibo. About the 21st, the ships anchored near the Island Quibo; from the North part of which, to the town of Pueblo Nuevo on the main land, was reckoned eight leagues. Attack of Pueblo Nuevo. Sawkins, with sixty men, embarked on board the smallest ship, and sailed to the entrance of a river which leads to the town. He there left the ship with a few men to follow him, and proceeded with the rest in canoes up the river by night, having a negro prisoner for pilot. Those left with the care of the ship, 'entered the river, keeping close by the East shore, on which there is a round hill. Within two stones cast of the shore there was four fathoms depth; and within the point a very fine and large river opens. But being strangers to the place, the ship was run aground nigh a rock which lieth by the Westward shore; for the true channel of this river is nearer to the East than to the West shore. The Island Quibo is SSE from the mouth of this river[22 - Ringrose, Chap. ix.].'

Captain Sawkins is killed, and the Buccaneers retreat. The canoes met with much obstruction from trees which the Spaniards had felled across the river; but they arrived before the town during the night. The Spaniards had erected some works, on which account the Buccaneers waited in their canoes till daylight, and then landed; when Richard Sawkins, advancing with the foremost of his men towards a breastwork, was killed, as were two of his followers. Sharp was the next in command, but he was disheartened by so unfortunate a beginning, and ordered a retreat. Three Buccaneers were wounded in the re-embarkation.

In the narrative which Sharp himself published, he says, 'we landed at a stockado built by the Spaniards, where we had a small rencounter with the enemy, who killed us three men, whereof the brave Captain Sawkins was one, and wounded four or five more; besides which we got nothing, so that we found it our best way to retreat down the river again.'

The death of Sawkins was a great misfortune to the Buccaneers, and was felt by them as such. One Buccaneer relates, 'Captain Sawkins landing at Pueblo Nuevo before the rest, as being a man of undaunted courage, and running up with a small party to a breastwork, was unfortunately killed. And this disaster occasioned a mutiny amongst our men; for our Commanders were not thought to be leaders fit for such hard enterprises. Now Captain Sharp was left in chief, and he was censured by many, and the contest grew to that degree that they divided into parties, and about 70 of our men fell off from us.'

Imposition practised by Sharp. Ringrose was not in England when his Narrative was published; and advantage was taken of his absence, to interpolate in it some impudent passages in commendation of Sharp's, valour. In the printed Narrative attributed to Ringrose, he is made to say, 'Captain Sawkins in running up to the breastwork at the head of a few men was killed; a man as valiant and courageous as any could be, and, next unto Captain Sharp, the best beloved of all our company, or the most part thereof.'

Ringrose's manuscript Journal has been preserved in the Sloane Collection, at the British Museum (No. 3820[23 - No. 48 in the same collection is a manuscript copy of Ringrose's Journal, but varied in the same manner from the Original as the printed Narrative.] of Ayscough's Catalogue) wherein, with natural expression of affection and regard, he says, 'Captain Sawkins was a valiant and generous spirited man, and beloved above any other we ever had among us, which he well deserved.'

May. Sharp chosen Commander. In their retreat down the river of Pueblo Nuevo, the Buccaneers took a ship laden with indigo, butter, and pitch; and burnt two other vessels. When returned to Quibo, they could not agree in the choice of a commander. Bartholomew Sharp had a greater number of voices than any other pretender, which he obtained by boasting that he would take them a cruise whereby he did not at all doubt they would return home with not less than a thousand pounds to each man. Sharp was elected by but a small majority. Some separate, and return to the West Indies. Between 60 and 70 men who had remained after Coxon quitted the command, from attachment to Captain Sawkins, would not stay to be commanded by Sharp, and departed from Quibo in one of the prize vessels to return over the Isthmus to the West Indies; where they safely arrived. All the Darien Indians also returned to the Isthmus. One hundred and forty-six Buccaneers remained with Bartholomew Sharp.

The Anchorage at Quibo. 'On the SE side of the Island Quibo is a shoal, or spit of sand, which stretches out a quarter of a league into the sea[24 - Ringrose, p. 44.].' Just within this shoal, in 14 fathoms depth, the Buccaneer ships lay at anchor. The Island abounded in fresh rivers, this being the rainy season. They caught red deer, turtle, and oysters. Ringrose says, 'here were oysters so large that we were forced to cut them into four pieces, each quarter being a good mouthful.' Here were also oysters of a smaller kind, from which the Spaniards collected pearls. They killed alligators at Quibo, some above 20 feet in length; 'they were very fearful, and tried to escape from those who hunted them.' Ringrose relates, that he stood under a manchineal tree to shelter himself from the rain, but some drops fell on his skin from the tree, which caused him to break out all over in red spots, and he was not well for a week afterwards.

June. June the 6th, Sharp and his followers, in two ships, sailed from Quibo Southward for the coast of Peru, intending to stop by the way at the Galapagos Islands; but the winds prevented them. Island Gorgona. On the 17th, they anchored on the South side of the Island Gorgona, near the mouth of a river. 'Gorgona is a high mountainous Island, about four leagues in circuit, and is distant about four leagues from the Continent. The anchorage is within a pistol-shot of the shore, in depth from 15 to 20 fathoms. At the SW of Gorgona is a smaller Island, and without the same stands a small rock[25 - Ringrose and Sharp.].' There were at this time streams of fresh water on every side of the Island.

Gorgona being uninhabited, was thought to be a good place of concealment. The Island supplied rabbits, monkeys, turtle, oysters, and birds; which provision was inducement to the Buccaneers, notwithstanding the rains, to remain there, indulging in idleness, till near the end of July, when the weather began to be dry. They killed a snake at Gorgona, eleven feet long, and fourteen inches in circumference.

July. July the 25th, they put to sea. Sharp had expressed an intention to attack Guayaquil; but he was now of opinion that their long stay at Gorgona must have occasioned their being discovered by the Spaniards, 'notwithstanding that he himself had persuaded them to stay;' their plan was therefore changed for the attack of places more Southward, where they would be less expected. Island Plata. The winds were from the Southward, and it was not till August the 13th, that they got as far as the Island Plata.

August. The only landing at Plata at this time, was on the NE side, near a deep valley, where the ships anchored in 12 fathoms. Goats were on this Island in such numbers, that they killed above a hundred in a day with little labour, and salted what they did not want for present use. Turtle and fish were in plenty. They found only one small spring of fresh water, which was near the landing place, and did not yield them more than 20 gallons in the 24 hours. There were no trees on any part of the Island.