Dio's Rome, Volume 3

[B.C. 40 (a. u. 714)]

[-20-] For these reasons and because he gave the exiles a refuge, was negotiating friendship with Antony, and plundering a great portion of Italy, Caesar felt a wish to become reconciled with him. When he failed of that he ordered Marcus Vipsanius Agrippa to wage war against him, and himself set out for Gaul. Sextus when he heard of that kept watch of Agrippa, who was busy superintending the Ludi Apollinares. This person was praetor at the time, holding a brilliant position in many ways because he was such an intimate friend of Caesar, and for two days he had been conducting the horse-race and enjoyed the so-called "Troy contest," carried on by children of the nobility, which added to his glory. While he was so engaged Sextus crossed over into Italy and remained there carrying on marauding expeditions until Agrippa arrived. Then, after leaving a garrison at certain points, he sailed back again.—Caesar had formerly tried, as has been described, to get possession of Gaul through others, but had not been able on account of Calenus and the rest who followed Antony's fortunes. But now he occupied it in person, for he found Calenus dead of a disease and acquired his army without difficulty. Meanwhile, seeing that Lepidus was vexed at being deprived of the office that belonged to him, he sent him to Africa; for he proposed, by being the sole bestower of that position, instead of allowing Antony to share in the appointment, to gain in a greater degree Lepidus's attachment.

[B.C. 44 (a. u. 710)]

[-21-] As I have remarked,[42 - Compare Book Forty three, chapter 9 (§4).] the Romans had two provinces in that part of Libya. The governors, before the union of the three men, were Titus Sextius over the Numidian region, and Cornificius with Decimus Laelius over the rest; the former was friendly to Antony, the latter two to Caesar. For a time Sextius waited in the expectation that the others, who had a far larger force, would invade his domain, and prepared to withstand them there. When they delayed, he began to disdain them; and he was further elated by a cow, as they say, that uttered human speech bidding him lay hold of the prize before him, and by a dream in which a bull that had been buried in the city of Tucca seemed to urge him to dig up its head and carry it about on a spear-shaft, since by this means he should conquer. Without hesitation, then, especially when he found the bull in the spot where the dream said it was, he invaded Africa first himself.

[B.C. 43 (a. u. 711)]

At the beginning he occupied Adrymetum and some few other places, taken by surprise at his sudden assault. Then, while in an unguarded state because of this very success, he was ambushed by the quaestor, lost a large portion of his army, and withdrew into Numidia. His misfortune had happened to occur when he was without the protection of the bull's head, and he therefore ascribed his defeat to that fact and made preparations to take the field again. Meantime his opponents anticipated him by invading his domain. While the rest were besieging Cirta, the quaestor with the cavalry proceeded against him, overcame him in a few cavalry battles, and won over the other quaestor. After these experiences Sextius, who had secured some fresh reinforcements, risked battle again, conquered the quaestor in his turn, and shut up Laelius, who was overrunning the country, within his fortifications. He deceived Cornificius, who came to the defence of his colleague, making him believe that the latter had been captured, and after thus throwing him into a state of dejection defeated him. So Cornificius met his death in battle, and Laelius, who made a sally with the intention of taking the enemy in the rear, was also slain.

[-22-] When this had been accomplished, Sextius occupied Africa and governed both provinces without interference, until Caesar according to the covenant made by him with Antony and Lepidus took possession of the office and assigned Gaius Fuficius Fango to take charge of the people; then the governor voluntarily gave up the provinces. When the battle with Brutus and Cassius had been fought, Caesar and Antony redistributed the world, Caesar taking Numidia for his share of Libya, and Antony Africa. Lepidus, as I have stated,[43 - Compare the first chapter of this Book.] had power among the three only in name, and often was not recorded in the documents even to this extent. When, therefore, this occurred Fulvia bade Sextius resume his rule of Africa. He was at this time still in Libya, making the winter season his plea, but in reality his lingering there was due to his certain knowledge that there would be some kind of upheaval. As he could not persuade Fango to give up the country, he associated himself with the natives, who detested their ruler; he had done evil in his office, for he was one of that mercenary force, many of whose members, as has been stated in my narrative,[44 - Compare Book Forty-three, chapter 47 (and see also XLVIII, 33, and LII, 41).] had been elected even into the senate. At this turn of affairs Fango retired into Numidia, where he accorded harsh treatment to the people of Cirta because they despised him on seeing his condition. There was also one Arabio who was a prince among the barbarians dwelling close at hand, who had first helped Laelius and later attached himself to Sextius: him he ejected from his kingdom, when he refused to make an alliance with him. Arabio fled to Sextius and Fango demanded his surrender. When his request was refused, he grew angry, invaded Africa and did some damage to the country: but Sextius took the field against him, and he was defeated in conflicts that were slight but numerous; consequently he retired again into Numidia. Sextius went after him and was in hopes of soon vanquishing him, especially with the aid of Arabio's horse, but he became suspicious of the latter and treacherously murdered him, after which he accomplished for the time being nothing further. For the cavalry, enraged at Arabio's death, left the Romans in the lurch and most of them took the side of Fango. [-23-] After these skirmishes they concluded friendship, agreeing that the cause for war between them had been removed. Later Fango watched until Sextius, trusting in the truce, was free from fear, and invaded Africa. Then they joined battle with each other, and at first both sides conquered and were beaten. The one leader prevailed through the Numidian horsemen and the other through his citizen infantry, so that they plundered each other's camps, and neither knew anything about his fellow-soldiers. When as they retired they ascertained what had happened, they came to blows again, the Numidians were routed, and Fango temporarily fled to the mountains. During the night some hartbeestes ran across the hills, and thinking that the enemy's cavalry were at hand he committed suicide. Thus Sextius gained possession of nearly everything without trouble, and subdued Zama, which held out longest, by famine. Thereafter he governed both the provinces again until such time as Lepidus was sent. Against him he made no demonstration, either because he thought the step had the approval of Antony, or because he was far inferior to him in troops.

[B.C. 40 (a. u. 714)]

He remained quiet, pretending that the necessity was a favor to himself.

In this way Lepidus took charge of both provinces.

[B.C. 42 (a. u. 712)]

[-24-] About this same period that the above was taking place, and after the battle the scene of which was laid at Philippi, Mark Antony came to the mainland of Asia and there by visiting some points himself and sending deputies elsewhere he levied contributions upon the cities and sold the positions of authority. Meanwhile he fell in love with Cleopatra, whom he had seen in Cilicia, and no longer gave a thought to honor but was a slave of the fair Egyptian and tarried to enjoy her love. This caused him to do many absurd things, one of which was to drag her brothers from the temple of Artemis at Ephesus and put them to death. Finally, leaving Plancus in the province of Asia and Saxa in Syria, he started for Egypt. Many disturbances resulted from this action of his: the Aradii, islanders, would not yield any obedience to the messengers sent by him to them after the money and also killed some of them, and the Parthians, who had previously been restless, now assailed the Romans more than ever. Their leaders were Labienus and Pacorus the latter the son of King Orodes, and the former a child of Titus Labienus. I will narrate how he came among the Parthians and what he did in conjunction with Pacorus. He was by chance an ally of Brutus and Cassius and had been sent to Orodes before the battle to secure some help: he was detained by him a long time (over three lines starting at line beginning "constant ill treatment"): and his presence ignored, because the king hesitated to conclude the alliance with him yet feared to refuse.

[B.C. 41 (a. u. 713)]

Subsequently, when news of the defeat was brought and it appeared to be the intention of the victors to spare no one who had resisted them, he remained among the barbarians, choosing to live with them rather than perish at home. This Labienus, accordingly, as soon as he perceived Antony's relaxation, his passion, and his journeying into Egypt, persuaded the Parthian monarch to make an attempt upon the Romans. He said that their armies had been partly ruined, partly damaged, and that the remainder of the warriors were in revolt and would again be at war. Therefore he advised the king to subjugate Syria and the adjoining districts, while Caesar was detained in Italy and with Sextus, and Antony abandoned himself to love in Egypt. He promised that he would act as leader in the war, and announced that in this way he could detach many of the provinces, inasmuch as they were hostile to the Romans owing to the latter's constant ill treatment of them.

[-25-] By such words Labienus persuaded Orodes to wage war and the king entrusted to him a large force and his son Pacorus, and with them invaded Phoenicia. They marched to Apamea and were repulsed from the wall, but won over the garrisons in the country without resistance. These had belonged to the troops that followed Brutus and Cassius. Antony had incorporated them in his own forces and at this time had assigned them to garrison Syria because they knew the country. So Labienus easily won over these men, since they were well acquainted with, him, all except Saxa, their temporary leader. He was a brother of the general and was quaestor, and hence he alone refused to join the Parthian invaders. Saxa the general was conquered in a set battle through the numbers and ability of the cavalry, and when later by night he made a dash from his entrenchments to get away, he was pursued. His flight was due to his fear that his associates might take up with the cause of Labienus, who labored to prevail upon them by shooting various pamphlets into the camp. Labienus took possession of these men and slew the greater part, then captured Apamea, which no longer resisted when Saxa had fled into Antioch, since he was believed to be dead; he later captured Antioch, which the fugitive had abandoned, and at last, pursuing him in his flight into Cilicia, seized the man himself and killed him. [-26-] Upon his death Pacorus made himself master of Syria and subjugated all of it except Tyre. This city the Romans that survived and the natives who sided with them had occupied in advance, and neither persuasion nor force (for Pacorus had no fleet) could prevail against them. They accordingly remained secure from capture. The rest Pacorus gained and then invaded Palestine, where he removed from office Hyrcanus, to whom the affairs of the district had been entrusted by the Romans, and set up his brother Aristobulus[45 - This is an error either of Dio or of some copyist. The person made king of the Jews at this time was in reality Antigonus the son of Aristobulus and nephew of Hyrcanus. Compare chapter 41 of this book, and Book Forty-nine, chapter 22.In this same sentence I read [Greek: echthos] (as Boissevain and the MSS.) in place of [Greek: ethos].] as ruler instead because of the enmity existing between them. Meantime Labienus had occupied Cilicia and had obtained the allegiance of the cities of the mainland except Stratonicea; Plancus in fear of him had crossed over to the islands: most of these towns he took without conflict, but Mylasa and Alabanda with great peril. These cities had accepted garrisons from him, but murdered them on the occasion of a festival and revolted. For this he himself punished the people of Alabanda when he had captured it, and razed to the ground Mylasa, abandoned by the dwellers there. Stratonicea he besieged for a long time, but was unable to capture it in any way.

In satisfaction of the defections mentioned he continued to levy money and rob the temples; and he named himself imperator and Parthicus,—the latter being quite the opposite of the Roman custom, in that he took his title from those he had led against his countrymen: whereas regularly it would imply that he had conquered the Parthians instead of citizens. [-28-] Antony kept hearing of these operations as he did of whatever else was being done, such as matters in Italy, of which he was not in the least ignorant; but in each instance he failed to make a timely defence, for owing to passion and drunkenness he devoted no thought either to his allies or to his enemies. While he had been classed as a subordinate and was pursuing high prizes, he gave strict attention to his task: when, however, he attained power, he no longer gave painstaking care to any single matter but joined in the wanton life of Cleopatra and the rest of the Egyptians until he was entirely undone.

[B.C. 40 (a. u. 714)]

Rather late he was at last forced to bestir himself and sailed to Tyre with the announcement that he was going to aid it, but on seeing that the remainder of the country had been occupied before his coming, he deserted the inhabitants on the pretext that he had to wage war against Sextus. On the other hand he excused his dilatoriness with regard to the latter by bringing forward the activity of the Parthians. So on account of Sextus he gave no assistance to his allies and on account of his allies no assistance to Italy, but coasted along the mainland as far as Asia and crossed into Greece. There, after meeting his mother and wife, he made Caesar his enemy and cemented a friendship with Sextus. After this he went over to Italy and got possession of Sipontum but besieged Brundusium, which refused to come to terms with him.

[-28-] While he was thus engaged, Caesar, who had already arrived from Gaul, had collected his forces and had sent Publius Servilius Rullus to Brundusium, and Agrippa against Sipontum. The latter took the city by storm, but Servilius was suddenly attacked by Antony who destroyed many and won over many others. The two leaders had thus broken out into open war and proceeded to send about to the cities and to the veterans, or to any place whence they thought they could get any aid. All Italy was again thrown into turmoil and Rome especially; some were already choosing one side or the other, and others were hesitating. While the chief figures themselves and those who were to follow their fortunes were in a quiver of excitement, Fulvia died in Sicyon,—the city where she was staying. Antony was really responsible for her death through his passion for Cleopatra and the latter's lewdness. But at any rate, when this news was announced, both sides laid down their arms and effected a reconciliation, either because Fulvia had actually been the original cause of their variance or because they chose to make her death an excuse in view of the fear with which each inspired the other and the equality of their forces and hopes. The arrangement made allotted to Caesar Sardinia, Dalmatia, Spain and Gaul, and to Antony all the districts that belonged to the Romans across the Ionian Sea, both in Europe and in Asia. The provinces in Libya were held by Lepidus, and Sicily by Sextus.

[-29-] The government they divided anew in this way and the war against Sextus they made a common duty, although Antony through messengers had taken oaths before him against Caesar. And it was chiefly for this reason that Caesar had schooled himself to receive under a general amnesty all those who had gone over to the enemy in the war with Lucius, Antony's brother, some among them, Domitius particularly, who had been of the assassins, as well as all those whose names had been posted on the tablets or had in any way coöperated with Brutus and Cassius and later embraced the cause of Antony. So great is the irony to be found in factions and wars; for those in power decide nothing according to justice, but determine on friend and foe as their temporary needs and advantages demand. Therefore they regard the same men now as enemies, now as useful helpers, according to the occasion.

[-30-] When they had reached this agreement in the camp outside Brundusium, they entertained each other, Caesar in a soldierly, Roman fashion, and Antony with Asiatic and Egyptian manners. As it appeared that they had become reconciled, the soldiers who were at that time following Caesar surrounded Antony and demanded of him the money which they had promised them before the battle of Philippi. It was for this he had been sent into Asia, to collect as much as possible. And when he failed to give them anything, they would certainly have done him some harm, if Caesar had not restrained them by feeding them with new hopes. After this experience, to guard against further unruliness, they sent those soldiers who were clearly disqualified by age into the colonies, and then took up the war anew. For Sextus had come into Italy according to the agreement made between himself and Antony, intending with the latter's help to wage war against Caesar: when he learned that they had settled their difficulties he himself went back into Sicily, but ordered Menas, a freedman of his on whom he placed great reliance, to coast about with a portion of the fleet and damage the interests of the other side. He, accordingly, inflicted injury upon considerable of Etruria and managed to capture alive Marcus Titius, the son of Titius who had been proscribed and was then with Sextus; this son had gathered ships for enterprises of his own and was blockading the province of Narbonensis. Titius underwent no punishment, being preserved for his father's sake and because his soldiers carried the name of Sextus on their shields: he did not, however, recompense his benefactor fairly, but fought him to the last ditch and finally slew him, so that his name is remembered among the most prominent of his kind. Menas besides the exploits mentioned sailed to Sardinia and had a conflict with Marcus Lurius, the governor there; and at first he was routed, but later when the other was pursuing him heedlessly he awaited the attack and contrary to expectations won a victory in turn. Thereupon his enemy abandoned the island and he occupied it. All the towns capitulated, save Caralis, which he took by siege: it was there that many fugitives from the battle had taken refuge. He released without ransom among others of the captives Helenus, a freedman of Caesar in whom his master took especial delight: he thus laid up for himself with that ruler a kindness long in advance by way of preparing a refuge for himself, if he should ever need aught at Caesar's hands.

[-31-] He was occupied as above described. And the people in Rome refused to remain quiet since Sardinia was in hostile hands, the coast was being pillaged, and they had been cut off from importation of grain, while famine and the great number of taxes of all sorts that were being imposed and the "contributions," in addition, that were laid upon such as possessed slaves irritated them greatly. As much as they were pleased with the reconciliation of Antony and Caesar,—for thought that harmony between these men meant peace for themselves,—they were equally or more displeased at the war the two men were carrying on against Sextus. But a short time previously they had brought the two rulers into the city mounted on horses as if at a triumph, and had bestowed upon them the triumphal robe precisely similar to that worn by persons celebrating, had made them view the festivals from their chairs of state and had hastened to espouse to Antony, when once her husband was dead, Octavia the sister of Caesar, though she was then pregnant. Now, however, they changed their behavior to a remarkable degree. At first forming in groups or gathering at some spectacle they urged Antony and Caesar to secure peace, crying out a great deal to this effect. When the men in power would not heed them, they fell at odds with them and favored Sextus. They talked frequently in his behalf, and at the horse-races honored by a loud clapping of hands the statue of Neptune carried in the procession, evincing great pleasure at it. When for some days it was not brought in, they took stones and drove the officials from the Forum, threw down the images of Caesar and Antony, and finally, on not accomplishing anything in this way even, rushed violently upon them as if to kill them. Caesar, although his followers were wounded, rent his clothes and betook himself to supplicating them, whereas Antony presented a less yielding front. Hence, because the wrath of the populace was aroused to the highest pitch and it was feared that they would commit some violence, the two rulers were forced unwillingly to make propositions of peace to Sextus.

[-32-] Meantime they removed the praetors and the consuls though it was now near the close of the year, and appointed others instead, caring little that these would have but a few days to hold office. (One of those who at this time became consuls was Lucius Cornelius Balbus, of Gades, who so much surpassed the men of his generation in wealth and munificence that at his death he left a bequest of twenty-five denarii to each of the Romans.) They not only did this, but when an aedile died on the last day of the year, they chose another to fill out the closing hours. It was at this same time that the so-called Julian supply of water was piped into Rome and the festival that had been vowed for the successful completion of the war against the assassins was held by the consuls. The duties belonging to the so-called Septemviri were performed by the pontifices, since none of the former was present: this was also done on many other occasions.

[-33-] Besides these events which took place that year Caesar gave a public funeral to his pedagogue Sphaerus, who had been freed by him. Also he put to death Salvidienus Rufus, suspected of plotting against him. This man was of most obscure origin, and while he was a shepherd a flame had issued from his head. He had been so greatly advanced by Caesar that he was made consul without even being a member of the senate, and his brother who died before him had been laid to rest across the Tiber, a bridge being constructed for this very purpose. But nothing human is lasting, and he was finally accused in the senate by Caesar himself and executed as an enemy of his and of the entire people; thanksgivings were offered for his downfall and furthermore the care of the city was committed to the triumvirs with the customary admonition, "that it should suffer no harm."

[B.C. 41 (a. u. 713)]

In the year previous to this men belonging to the order of knights had slaughtered wild beasts at the horse-race which came in the course of the Ludi Apollinares, and an intercalary day was inserted, contrary to custom, in order that the market held every nine days should not fall on the first day of the following year,—something which was strictly forbidden from very early times. Naturally the day had to be subtracted again later, in order that the calendar should run according to the system devised by the former Caesar. The domain of Attalus and of Deiotarus, who had both died in Gaul, was given to a certain Castor. Also the so-called Lex Falcidia, which has the greatest force even still in regard to the succession to inheritances, was enacted by Publius Falcidius, a tribune: its terms are that if an heir feels oppressed in any way, he may secure at least a fourth, of the property left behind by surrendering the rest.

[B.C. 39 (a. u. 715)]

[-34-] These were the events of the two years; the next season, when Lucius Marcius and Gaius Sabinus held the consulship, the acts of the triumvirs from the time they had formed a close combination received ratification at the hands of the senate, and certain further taxes were imposed by them, because the expenditures proved far greater than had been allowed for in the time of the former Caesar. For they were expending vast sums, especially upon the soldiers, and were ashamed of being the only ones to lay out money contrary to custom. Then I might mention that Caesar now for the first time shaved his beard, and held a magnificent entertainment himself besides granting all the other citizens a festival at public expense. He also kept his chin smooth afterward, like the rest; he was already beginning to conceive a passion for Livia, and for this reason divorced at once Scribonia, who had borne him a daughter. Hence, as the expenditures grew far greater than before, and the revenues were not anywhere sufficient but at this time came in in even smaller amounts by reason of the factional disputes, they introduced certain new taxes; and they enrolled in the senate as many persons as possible, not only from among the allies or soldiers, or sons of freedmen, but even slaves. At any rate one Maximus, when about to become quaestor, was recognized by his master and taken away. And he incurred no injury through having dared to stand for the office: but another who had been caught serving as a praetor, was hurled down the rocks of the Capitol, having been first freed, that there might be some legal justification for his punishment[46 - Hurling from the Tarpeian rock was a punishment that might be inflicted only upon freemen. Slaves would commonly be crucified or put out of the way by some method involving similar disgrace.].

[-35-] The expedition which Antony was getting in readiness against the Parthians afforded them some excuse for the mass of prospective senators. The same plea permitted them to extend all the offices for a number of years and that of consul to eight full years, rewarding some of those who had coöperated with them, and bringing others to trial. They chose not two annual consuls, as had been the custom, but now for the first time several, and on the very day of the elections. Formerly, to be sure, some had held office after others who had neither died nor been removed for disenfranchisement or in any other way: but those persons had become officials as suited those who had been elected for the entire year, whereas now no magistrate was chosen to serve for a year, but first one, then another would be appointed for different divisions of the entire time. Also the men first to enter upon office were accustomed to hold the title of the consulship through the entire year as is now done: the rest were accorded the same title by the dwellers in the capital themselves and by the people in the rest of Italy during each period of their office (as is also now the custom), but those in outside nations knew few or none of them and therefore called them lesser consuls.

[-36-] This was the situation at home when the leaders first made proposals to Sextus through companions as to how and on what terms they could effect a reconciliation; afterward the parties concerned held a conference near Misenum. The two from the capital took their stand on the land, the other on a kind of mound constructed for his safety in the sea, by which it was purposely surrounded, not far from them. There was also present the entire fleet of Sextus and the entire infantry force of the other two; and not that merely, but the one command had been drawn up on the shore and the other on the ships, both fully armed, so that this very fact made it perfectly evident to all that it was from fear of their accoutrement and from necessity, that the two rulers were making peace because of the people and Sextus because of his adherents. The compact was framed upon the following conditions,—that the deserters from among the slaves should be free and that all those driven out, save the assassins, should be restored. The latter, of course, they had to exclude, but in reality several of them were destined to return. Sextus himself, indeed, was thought to have been one of them. It was recorded, at any rate, that all the rest save those mentioned should be allowed to return under a general amnesty and with a right to a quarter of their confiscated property; that tribuneships, praetorships and priesthoods should be given to some of them immediately; that Sextus himself should be chosen consul and be appointed augur, should obtain seventeen hundred and fifty myriads of denarii from his paternal estate, and should govern Sicily, Sardinia and Achaea for five years, not receiving deserters nor acquiring more ships nor keeping any garrisons in Italy, but bending his efforts to secure peace on the sea for the peninsula, and sending a stated amount of grain to the people of the City. They limited him to this period of time because they wished it to appear that they also were holding merely a temporary and not an unending authority.

[-37-] After settling and drafting these compacts they deposited the documents with the priestesses,—the vestal virgins,—and then exchanged pledges and treated one another as friends. Upon this a tremendous and inextinguishable shout arose from the mainland and the ships at once. For many soldiers and many individuals who were present suddenly uttered a cry in unison because they were terribly tired of the war and vehemently desired peace. And the mountains resounded so that great panic and alarm were spread, and many died of fright at the very reverberation, while others perished by being trampled under foot and suffocated. Those who were in the small boats did not wait to reach the land itself but jumped out into the sea and the rest rushed out into the breakers. Meantime they embraced one another while swimming and threw their arms around one another's necks under water, making a diversified picture accompanied by diversified sounds. Some knew that their relatives and associates were living and seeing them present gave way to unrestrained joy. Others, thinking that those dear to them had died previously, saw them now unexpectedly and for a long time knew not what to do but were rendered speechless, distrusting their sight yet praying that it might be true; and they were not sure of them until they had called their names and had heard them say something. They rejoiced as if the men had been brought to life again, but as they were forced to share their pleasure with a multitude they did not continue without tears. Again, some who were unaware that their loved ones had perished and thought they were alive and present sought for them and went about asking every one they met regarding them. As long as they could learn nothing they were like maniacs and were torn different ways, both hoping to find them and fearing that they were dead,—not able to despair in view of their desire nor to indulge in grief in view of their hope. On learning at last the truth they would tear their hair and rend their clothing, calling upon the lost by name as if they could hear anything and giving way to grief as if their friends were just dead and lying there somewhere. And if any of them were affected in no such way, they were at least disturbed by the experiences of the rest. They either rejoiced with somebody in joy or grieved with somebody in pain, and so, even if they were free from personal interest, yet they could not remain indifferent on account of their connection with the rest. As a result there was no possibility of their being either sated or ashamed, because they were all affected in the same way, and they spent the entire day as well as the greater part of the night in this behavior.

[-38-] After this the parties chiefly concerned as well as the rest received one another and inaugurated entertainments in turn, first Sextus on the ship and then Caesar and Antony on the shore. Sextus so far surpassed them in power that he would not disembark to meet them on the mainland until they had gone aboard his boat. In the course of this proceeding, however, he refused to murder them both in the small boat with only a few followers, though he might easily have done so and Menas advised it[47 - After "Menas advised it" Zonaras in his version of Dio has: "bidding him cut the ship's cable, if he liked, and sail away."]. To Antony, who had possession of his ancestral home at Carinae (the spot so named is in the city of Rome), he uttered a jest in the happiest manner, saying that he was entertaining them at Carinae,—that is, on the "keels of ships," which is the meaning of the word in Latin. Nevertheless he did not act in any way as if he bore malice toward them, and on the following day he was feasted in turn and betrothed his daughter to Marcus Marcellus, the nephew of Caesar.

[-39-] This war, then, had been deferred: that of Labienus and the Parthians came to an end in the following way. Antony himself returned from Italy to Greece and delayed there a very long time, satisfying his desires and harming the cities, to the end that they should be delivered to Sextus in the weakest possible condition. He lived during this time in many ways contrary to the customs of his country. He called himself the younger Dionysus and insisted on being called so by others. When the Athenians in view of this and his other behavior betrothed Athena to him, he declared he accepted the marriage and he exacted from them a dowry of one hundred myriads. While he was occupied in this way he sent Publius Ventidius before him into Asia. The latter came upon Labienus before his presence was announced and terrified him by the suddenness of his approach and by his legions; for the Parthian leader was separated from the members of his tribe and had only soldiers from the neighborhood. Ventidius found that he would not even risk a conflict and so pushed him back and pursued him into Syria, taking the lightest part of his fighting force with him on the expedition. He overtook him near the Taurus range and allowed him to proceed no farther, and they encamped there quietly for several days. Labienus awaited the Parthians and Ventidius the heavy-armed soldiers. [-40-] Both came at once during the same days and Ventidius through fear of the barbarian cavalry remained on the high ground, where he was encamped. The Parthians, because of their numbers and because they had conquered once before, despised their opponents and rode up to the hill at dawn, before joining Labienus; as no one came out to meet them, they attacked it, charging straight up the incline. When they were in that position the Romans rushed out and easily routed them, as it was down-hill. Many of the assailants were killed in conflict, but still more in turning back were confused with one another; for some had already been routed and others were coming up. The survivors took refuge not with Labienus but in Cilicia. Ventidius pursued them as far as the camp, and there, seeing Labienus, stopped. The latter marshaled his forces as if to offer him battle, but perceiving that his soldiers were dejected by reason of the flight of the barbarians he did not then venture any opposition and when night came he attempted to escape in some direction. Ventidius learned beforehand from deserters of the contemplated move and by posting ambushes killed many in the retreat and took possession of the rest, who were abandoned by Labienus. The latter by changing his dress reached safety and for some time escaped detection in Cilicia. Later he was captured by Demetrius, a freedman of the former Caesar, who had at this time been assigned to Cyprus by Antony. He learned that Labienus was in hiding and made a search for him, which resulted in the fugitive's arrest.

[-41-] After this Ventidius recovered Cilicia and attended himself to the administration of this district, but sent ahead Pompaedius Silo with cavalry to Amanus. This is a mountain on the border between Cilicia and Syria, and contains a pass so narrow that a wall and gates were once built across it and the place received its name from that fact. Silo, however, found himself unable to occupy it and ran in danger of being annihilated by Phranapates, lieutenant of Pacorus, who was guarding the passage. And that would have been his fate, had not Ventidius by chance come upon him when he was fighting and defended him. He attacked the barbarians, who were not looking for his arrival and were likewise fewer in number, and slew Phranapates and many others. In this way he gained Syria deserted by the Parthians,—all except the district of the Aradii,—and subsequently without effort occupied Palestine, by scaring away from it King Antigonus. Besides accomplishing this he exacted large sums of money from the rest individually, and large sums also from Antigonus and Antiochus and Malchus the Nabathaean, because they had given help to Pacorus. Ventidius himself received no reward for these achievements from the senate, since he was acting not with full powers, but as a lieutenant: Antony, however, obtained praise and thanksgivings. As for the Aradii, they were afraid that they might have to pay the penalty for what they had ventured against Antony, and would not come to terms though they were besieged by him for a time; later they were with difficulty captured by others.

[-40-] About this same time an uprising took place in Parthian Illyricum, but was put down by Pollio after some conflicts. There was another on the part of the Ceretani in Spain, and they were subjugated by Calvinus after he had had some little preliminary successes and also a preliminary setback; this last was occasioned by his lieutenant, who was ambuscaded by the barbarians and deserted by his soldiers. Their leader undertook no operation against the enemy until he had punished them. Calling them together as if for some other purpose he had the rest of the army surround them; and out of two companies of a hundred he chose out every tenth man for punishment and chastised the centurion who was serving in the so-called primus pilus as well as many others. After doing this and gaining, like Marcus Crassus, a renown for his disciplining the army, he set out against his opponents and with no great difficulty vanquished them. He obtained a triumph in spite of the fact that Spain was assigned to Caesar; for the rulers could at will grant the honors to those who served as their lieutenants. The money customarily given by the cities for the purpose Calvinus took only from the Spanish towns, and of it he spent a part on the festival but the greater portion on the palace. It had been burned down and he built it up, adorning it splendidly at the dedication with various objects and with images, in particular, which he asked from Caesar, implying that he would send them back. Though asked for them later, he did not return them, excusing himself by a witticism. Pretending that he had not enough assistants, he said: "Send some men and take them." Caesar shrank from seizure of sacred things and hence allowed them to remain as votive offerings.

[B.C. 38 (a. u. 716)]

[-43-] This is what happened at that time. Now in the consulship of Appius Claudius and Gaius Norbanus, who were the first to have two quaestors apiece as associates, the populace revolted against the tax gatherers, who oppressed them severely, and came to blows with the men themselves, their assistants, and the soldiers that helped them to exact the money; and sixty-seven praetors one after another were appointed and held office. One who was chosen to be quaestor while still reckoned as a child then on the next day obtained the standing of a iuvenis: and another person who had been enrolled in the senate desired to fight in the arena. He was prevented, however, from doing this, and an act was passed prohibiting any senator from taking part in gladiatorial combats, any slave from serving as lictor, and any burning of dead bodies from being carried on within fifteen stadia of the city.

Many things of a portentous nature had come to pass even before that time (such as olive oil spouting beside the Tiber), and many, also, precisely then. The tent of Romulus was burned as a result of some ritual which the pontifices were performing in it; a statue of Virtus, standing before some of the gates, fell upon its face; and certain persons rendered inspired by the Mother of the Gods declared that the goddess was angry with them. On this point the Sibylline books were consulted. They made the same statements and prescribed that the statue be taken down to the sea and purified with water from it. In obedience to the order the goddess went very far indeed out into the surges, where she remained an extremely long time and returned only quite late,—her action causing the Romans no little fear, so that they did not recover courage until four palm trees grew up round about her temple and in the Forum.

[-44-] Besides these occurrences at the time Caesar married Livia. She was the daughter of Livius Drusus, who had been among those proscribed by the tablet and had committed suicide after the defeat in Macedonia, and the wife of Nero, whom she had accompanied in his flight, as has been related. She was also in the sixth month with child from him. When Caesar accordingly hesitated and enquired of the pontifices whether it was permissible to wed her while pregnant, they answered that if the origin of the foetus were doubtful, the marriage should be put off, but if it were definitely admitted, nothing prevented an immediate consummation. Perhaps they really found this among the ordinances of the forefathers, but certainly they would have said so even had they not found it. The woman was given in marriage by her husband himself, as some father might do. And the following incident occurred at the marriage feast. One of the prattling boys, such as women frequently keep about them naked to play with,[48 - Suetonius (Life of Augustus, chapter 83) also mentions this fashion.] on seeing Livia reclining in one place with Caesar and Nero in another with some man, went up to her and said: "What are you doing here, mistress? For your husband," pointing him out, "is reclining over there." After these events, when the woman went to live with Caesar, she gave birth to Claudius Drusus Nero. Caesar took him and sent him to his father, making this entry in the records, that Caesar returned to its father Nero the child borne by Livia, his own wife. Nero died not long after and left Caesar himself as guardian to this boy and to Tiberius: the populace had a good deal to say about this, among other things that the prosperous have children in three months; and this saying passed into a proverb.

[-45-] At just about the same time that this was going on in the city Bogud the Moor sailed to Spain, acting either on instructions from Antony or on his own motion, and did much damage, receiving also considerable injury in return: meantime the people of his own land in the neighborhood of Tingi rose against him, and so he evacuated Spain but failed to win back his own domain. For the adherents of Caesar in Spain and Bocchus came to the aid of the rebels and proved too much for him. Bogud departed to join Antony, while Bocchus forthwith took possession of his kingdom, and this act was afterward confirmed by Caesar. The Tingitanians were given citizenship.

At this time and even earlier Sextus and Caesar had broken out into war; for since they had come to an agreement not of their own free will or choice but under compulsion, they did not abide by it any time at all, so to speak, but broke the truce at once and stood opposed. They were destined to come to war under any conditions, even if they had found no excuse; their alleged grievances, however, were the following. Menas, who was at this time still in Sardinia, as if he were a kind of praetor, had incurred the suspicion of Sextus by his release of Helenus and because he had been in communication with Caesar, and he was slandered to some extent by his peers, who envied his position of power. He was therefore summoned by Sextus on the pretext that he should give an account of the grain and money of which he had charge; instead of obeying he seized and killed the men sent to him on this errand, and after negotiating with Caesar surrendered to him the island, the fleet together with the army, and himself. Caesar was glad to see him and declared that Sextus was harboring deserters contrary to the treaty, having triremes built, and keeping garrisons in Italy: and so far from giving up Menas on demand, he supported him in great honor, gave him the decoration of gold rings, and enrolled him in the order of the knights. The matter of the gold rings is as follows. Of the ancient Romans no one,—not to mention such as had once been slaves,—who had grown up as a free citizen even, was allowed to wear gold rings, save senators and knights,—as has been stated. Therefore they are given to those freedmen whom the man in power may select; although they may use gold in other ways, this is still an additional honor and distinguishes them as superior, or as capable, through having been freed, of becoming knights.

[-46-] Such is the matter in question. Sextus, having this as a reproach against Caesar, and the further facts that Achaea had been impoverished and the rights agreed upon were not granted either to him or to the restored exiles, sent to Italy Menecrates, another freedman of his, and had him ravage Volturnum and other parts of Campania. Caesar on learning this took the documents containing the treaty from the vestal virgins and sent for Antony and Lepidus. Lepidus did not at once obey. Antony came to Brundusium from Greece where, by chance, he still was: but before he met Caesar, who was in Etruria, he became alarmed because a wolf had entered his head-quarters and killed soldiers; so he sailed back to Greece again, making the urgency of the Parthian situation his excuse. Caesar, however much he felt that he had been abandoned by his colleague with the purpose that he should face the difficulties of the war alone, nevertheless showed no anger openly. Sextus kept repeating that Antony was not for punishing him and set himself more zealously to the task in hand. Finally he sailed against Italy, landed at different points, inflicted much injury and endured much in return. Meantime off Cyme there was a naval battle between Menecrates and Calvisius Sabinus. In this several ships of Caesar were destroyed, because he was arrayed against expert seafarers; but Menecrates out of rivalry attacked Menas and perished, making the loss of Sextus an equal one. For this reason the latter laid no claim to victory and Caesar consoled himself over the defeat. [-47-] He happened at this time to be in Rhegium, and the party of Sextus feared he would cross over into Sicily; and being somewhat disheartened, too, at the death of Menecrates, they set sail from Cyme. Sabinus pursued them as far as Scyllaeum, the Italian promontory, without trouble. But, as he was rounding that point, a great wind fell upon him, hurling some of the ships against the promontory, sinking others out at sea, and scattering all the rest. Sextus on ascertaining this sent the fleet under command of Apollophanes against them. He, discovering Caesar coasting along somewhere in these parts with the intention of crossing into Sicily along with Sabinus, made a dash upon him. Caesar had the ships come to anchor, marshaled the heavy-armed soldiers upon them, and at first made a noble resistance. The ships were drawn up with prows facing outward and so offered no safe point for attack, but being shorter and higher could do more hurt to those that approached them, and the heavy-armed fighters, when they could come in conflict with the enemy, proved far superior. Apollophanes, however, transferred such as were wounded and were in difficulty from time to time to other ships assigned for the purpose, by backing water, and took on board fresh men; he also made constant charges and used missiles carrying fire, so that his adversary was at last routed, fled to the land, and came to anchor. When even then the pursuers pressed him hard, some of Caesar's ships suddenly cut their anchors and unexpectedly offered opposition. It was only this and the fact that night interrupted operations that kept Apollophanes from burning some of the ships and towing all the rest away.

[-48-] After this event an ill-fated wind on the following day fell upon Caesar and Sabinus as they were anchored together and made their previous reverse seem small. The fleet of Sabinus suffered the less, for Menas, being an old hand on the sea, foresaw the storm. He immediately stationed his ships out at sea, letting them ride with slack anchors some distance apart, so that the ropes should not be stretched and break; then he rowed directly against the wind, and in this way no rope was strained, and he remained constantly in the same position, recovering by the use of the oars all the distance which he lost by the impetus of the wind. The remaining commanders, because they had gone through a severe experience the day before, and as yet had no precise knowledge of nautical matters, were cast out upon the shore close by and lost many ships. The night, which had been of the greatest aid to them before, was now among the chief agencies in promoting disaster. All through it the wind blew violently, tearing the vessels from their anchors and dashing them against the rocks. That of course was the end of them, and the sailors and marines likewise perished without hope of rescue, since the darkness prevented them from seeing ahead and they could not hear a word because of the uproar and the reverberation from the mountains, especially since the wind smote them in the face. So it was that Caesar despaired of Sicily and was satisfied to guard the coast country: Sextus on the other hand was still more elated, believing himself in very truth to be the son of Neptune, and he put on a dark blue robe besides, as some relate, casting horses as well as men alive into the straits. He plundered and harassed Italy himself, sending Apollophanes to Libya. The latter was pursued by Menas, who overtook and injured him. The islands round about Sicily went over to the side of Sextus, whereupon Caesar seized the territory of the Lipareans in advance and ejecting them from the island conveyed them to Campania, where he forced them to live in Neapolis so long as the war should continue. [-49-] Meantime he kept having boats made throughout almost all of Italy and collected slaves for rowers first from his friends, who were supposed to give willingly, and then from the rest,—senators and knights and well-to-do private citizens. He also assembled heavy-armed troops and gathered money from all citizens, allies, and subjects, both in Italy and abroad.

This year and the following he spent on the construction of ships and the gathering and training of rowers.

[B.C. 37 (a. u. 717)]

He himself oversaw and arranged these details and all other matters in Italy and in Gaul (where there was a slight uprising). To Agrippa he entrusted the equipment of the boats. He sent for this man, who was fighting against the revolted Gauls, at the time when he had been the second of the Romans to cross the Rhine for purposes of warfare, and he honored him by bestowing a triumph and bidding him to secure the building and training of the fleet. Agrippa,—he was consul with Lucius Gallus,—would not hold the triumph, deeming it disgraceful for him to exalt himself when Caesar had fared poorly, but set to work heart and soul to fit out the fleet. All along the coasts of Italy vessels were taking shape; but since no shore was found safe for them to ride at anchor,—the majority of the coast land being still in those days without harbors,—he conceived and executed a magnificent enterprise which I shall describe at some length, showing its nature and the present characteristics of the locality where it took place.

[-50-] At Cyme in Campania, between Misenum and Puteoli, there is a crescent-shaped spot. It is shut in by small hills, bare except in a few places, and the sea there forms a kind of triple bay. The first is outside and near the cities; the second is separated from it by a small passage; and the third, like a real harbor, is seen far back. The last named is called Avernus, and the middle bay Lucrinus: the outer one belongs to the Tyrrhenian Sea and takes its name from that water. In this roadstead within the other two, which had but narrow entrances then, Agrippa, by cutting channels close along the shore through the land separating Lucrinus from the sea on each side, produced harbors affording most safe anchorage for ships. While the men were working a certain image situated above Avernus, either of Calypso to whom this place, whither they say Odysseus also sailed, is devoted, or to some other heroine, was covered with sweat like a human body. [-51-] Now what this imported I cannot say; but I will go on to tell of everything else worth reporting which I saw in that place. These mountains close to the inner bodies of water have springs full of both fire and water in considerable quantity mixed together. Neither of the two elements is anywhere to be found by itself (that is, neither pure fire or cold water alone is to be seen) but from their association the water is heated and the fire moistened. The former on its way down the foothills to the sea runs into reservoirs and the inhabitants conduct the steam from it through pipes into rooms set up high, where they use the steam for vapor baths. The higher it ascends from the earth and from the water, the dryer it becomes. Costly apparatus has been installed for turning both the fire and the vapor to practical use; and they are very well suited for employment in the conduct of daily life and also for effecting cures.

Now besides these products that mountain makes an earth, the peculiar nature of which I am going to describe. Since the fire has not the power of burning (for by its union with, the water all its blazing qualities are extinguished) but is still able to separate and melt the substances with which it comes in contact, it follows that the oily part of the earth is melted by it, whereas the hard and what I might call the bony part of it is left as it was. Hence the masses of earth necessarily become porous and when exposed to the dry air crumble into dust, but when they are placed in a swirl of water and sand grow into a solid piece; as much of them as is in the liquid hardens and petrifies. The reason for this is that the brittle element in them is disintegrated and broken up by the fire, which possesses, the same nature, but by the admixture of dampness is chilled, and so, being compressed all over, through and through, becomes indissoluble. Such is Baiae, where Agrippa as soon as he had constructed the entrances collected ships and rowers, of which he fortified the former with armor and trained the latter to row on wooden benches.

[-52-] Now the population of Rome was being disturbed by signs. Among the various pieces of news brought to them was one to the effect that many dolphins battled with one another and perished near Aspis, the African city. And in the vicinity of the City blood descended from heaven and was smeared all about by the birds. When at the Ludi Romani not one of the senators was entertained on the Capitol, as had been the custom, they took this, too, as a portent. Again, the incident that happened to Livia caused her pleasure, but inspired the rest with terror. A white bird carrying a sprig of fruited laurel had been thrown by an eagle into her lap. As this seemed to be a sign of no small importance, she took care of the bird and planted the laurel. The latter took root and grew, so that it amply supplied those who were afterward to celebrate triumphs; and Livia was destined to hold Caesar's power in a fold of her robe and to dominate him in everything.

[-53-] The rest, however, in the City had their peace of mind thoroughly shattered by this and the differences between officials. Not only the consuls and praetors but even the quaestors were arrayed against one another, and this lasted for some time. The reason was that all were anxious not so much to hold office a longer time at home as to be counted among the ex-officials and secure the outward honors and influence that belonged to that class. They were no longer chosen for any specified time, but took just long enough to enter upon the title of the office and resign, whenever it so seemed good to those in power. Many did both on the same day. Some actually had to abandon hope of offices through poverty, and in this I am not speaking of those then supporting Sextus, who had been disenfranchised as if by some principle of right. But we have the case of a certain Marcus Oppius who through lack of means desired to resign the aedileship,—both he and his father had been among the proscribed,—and the populace would not permit it, but contributed money for his various necessities of life and the expenses of his office. And the story goes that some criminals, too, really came into the theatre in masks as if they were actors and left their money there with the rest. So this man was loved by the multitude while in life and at his death not long after was carried to the Campus Martius and there burned and buried. The senate was indignant at the utter devotion of the masses to him and took up his bones, on the plea that it was impious for them to lie in that consecrated spot; they were persuaded by the pontifices to make this declaration although they buried many other men there both before and after.