Harper's New Monthly Magazine, Vol. IV, No. 19, Dec 1851

A Convention of cotton planters was held at Macon, Georgia, on the 28th of October. About three hundred delegates were in attendance, of whom two hundred came from half the counties in Georgia, sixty-eight from one quarter of those of Alabama, nineteen from five counties of Florida, and one or two from each of several other Southern states. Ex-Governor Moseley, of Florida, was chosen President. The object of the Convention was to render the planters of cotton more independent of the ordinary vicissitudes of trade, and to enable them to obtain more uniformly high prices for their great staple. A great variety of opinions prevailed upon the subject. Various modes were suggested, but as none seemed acceptable, the whole subject was referred to a Committee of twenty-one, but even this Committee could not agree. A proposition was then rejected, by a vote of 48 to 43, which provided that planters should make returns to a Central Committee to be established of the cotton housed by the middle of January; and further, that not more than two-thirds of the crop should be sold before the 1st of May, and for not less than eight cents a pound; and that the remaining third should be sold at a time to be recommended by the Central Committee. A minority report was presented in favor of the Florida scheme for a Cotton Planters' Association, with a capital of twenty millions of dollars, and a warehouse for the storage of cotton, whereby prices might be contracted. This met the violent opposition of the Convention. Resolutions were finally adopted recommending Central, State, and County Associations to collect statistical and general information respecting the production and consumption of cotton. A committee was also appointed to procure such legislative acts as may be for the interest of planters. Resolutions were also passed to encourage Southern manufacturers to employ slave labor in their factories. Having urged another Cotton Planters' Convention, and exhorted delegates to arouse the public on the subject, by lectures and otherwise, the assembly adjourned sine die, after a session of several days, in which it will be observed that very little business was transacted.

The magnetic telegraph has become so common an agent of transmitting intelligence in this country, as to render all news of its progress interesting and important. Prof. Morse has been for some time prosecuting other persons for infringing his patent. A rival line, using the machinery of Mr. Bain, has been for some years in operation between New York and Philadelphia. A suit was commenced against the Company and has been for some years pending in the United States Circuit Court. It has just been decided by Judge Kane, in favor of the claimants under Prof. Morse's patents. The several points ruled by the Court in this case, are: 1. That an art is the subject of a patent, as well as an implement or a machine. 2. That an inventor may surrender and obtain a re-issue of his patent more than once if necessary. 3. That Prof. Morse was the first inventor of the art of recording signs at a distance by means of electro-magnetism, or the magnetic telegraph. 4. That the several parts or elements of the Morse Telegraph are covered and protected by his patent, as new inventions, and are really new, either as single, independent inventions, or as parts of a new combination for the purpose specified. 5. That the patent granted to Prof. Morse for his "Local Circuit" is valid, and that the "Branch Circuit" of the Bain line is an infringement of it. 6. That the subject and principles of the chemical telegraph are clearly embraced in Morse's patents. These are the chief questions in dispute. The counsel for the complainants were directed to draw up a decree to be made by the Court, in accordance with the prayer of the bill and the decision just given. The case will of course now be carried to the Supreme Court of the United States.

In the New Monthly Magazine for July last (No. 14, Vol. III. p. 274) we gave a detailed statement of the legal controversy between the Methodist Episcopal Church South and the Methodist Episcopal Church, brought by the former to recover a portion of the "Book Fund." The suit came on May 19, in the United States Circuit Court, and was elaborately argued by distinguished counsel. The decision, which was then deferred, was given by Judge Nelson on the 10th of November. It was long and elaborate, going over the whole ground involved, sketching the history of the case, and stating the legal principles applicable to it. He decided that the separation was legal, and that the Methodist Episcopal Church South is entitled to a portion of the Fund. This must end the controversy unless an appeal should be taken to the Supreme Court of the United States.

A large number of the citizens of New York recently addressed a letter to Hon. Henry Clay, requesting him to address a meeting in that city in favor of the Compromise measures of 1850, expressing a belief that additional exertions were needed to prevent propositions for the repeal or modification of some of the laws. Mr. Clay's reply, dated Oct. 3, is long and elaborate. Declining the invitation, he expresses great interest in the subject, and says he believes that the great majority of the people in every section of the Union, are satisfied with, or acquiesce in, the compromise. The only law which encounters any hostility, is that relating to the surrender of fugitive slaves; and this is now almost universally obeyed. Mr. Clay proceeds to urge the necessity of such a law and its rigid execution; and he then examines the principle of secession from the Union, as it is presented and advocated in some of the Southern States.

Rev. Archibald Alexander, D. D., distinguished as one of the oldest and ablest theologians in the country, died at Princeton, N. J. on the 22d of October, aged 81. He was a native of Virginia, and became a minister in the Presbyterian Church at the age of 21. He was early appointed President of Hampton Sidney College. He afterward was called to the Third Presbyterian Church in Philadelphia, and was stationed, there, when in 1812, the Theological Seminary was established at Princeton. He was appointed the first Professor in that Seminary.

Dr. J. Kearney Rodgers, distinguished in New York as a surgeon, and of eminently useful and estimable character, died on the 9th of November. Dr. Granville Sharp Pattison, also celebrated in this country as well as in England for medical science and practical skill, died on the 13th. He was distinguished as an anatomist, and was the author of several works upon medical subjects which enjoyed a wide celebrity and are still used as standard treatises. – Gardner G. Howland, well-known as one of the oldest, most enterprising, and wealthiest merchants of New York, and one of the most beneficent and public spirited inhabitants of that city, died suddenly on the 13th.

From California our intelligence is to the 1st of October. The State election had resulted in a Democratic victory. Mr. Bigler, the Democratic candidate, was elected Governor by about 1500 majority; Messrs. Marshall and McCorkle, Democrats, are elected to Congress; and the Legislature, upon which will devolve the duty of electing a U. S. Senator, is strongly Democratic also. – The Capital of the State has been removed back from Vallejo to San José. – The intelligence from the mines is highly encouraging; new veins of gold are constantly discovered, and the old placers have never been known to yield more plentifully. – The Indians in all the northern sections of the country are represented as being highly troublesome, and traveling there has become dangerous. – A large party of Mormons have purchased the rancho of San Bernardino, near Los Angelos; they gave $60,000 for it, and are to take possession of it very soon. – A railroad from San Francisco to San José, the first in California, has been commenced. – The Vigilance Committee at San Francisco, has come to an end. Order and quiet are completely restored, and a feeling of security is rapidly gaining ground. The city is increasing very fast both in population and in extent. – Disastrous news has been received from the American whaling fleet in the North Pacific. Ten or twelve of the ships have been lost: the season has been very unprofitable for all.

From Oregon, we learn that emigrants were coming in rapidly, though a late heavy snow-storm had seriously retarded the progress of emigrants through the mountains. The suffering from cold, and in some instances from lack of provisions, has been very severe. – The Snake Indians are becoming hostile and troublesome. Mr. Hudson Clark, from Illinois, with his family, having got ahead of the train with which he was traveling, was attacked by about thirty Indians, near Raft River, and his mother and brother were killed. Others had been killed a few days previously. Outrages in different sections led to the belief that the Indians were about to assume their former attitude of hostility toward the inhabitants. – Steps have been taken by a Convention of Delegates from the country north of the Columbia River, to form a new territorial government, or failing in that, to organize a new State, and ask admission into the Union. The reasons for this step are the great extent of country, its distance from the Capital, and the total absence of all municipal law and civil officers.

In the Sandwich Islands, the volcanic Mountain Maunaloa, had given tokens of an eruption early in August. A letter in the Polynesian of the 12th says: "The great crater of Maunaloa, that was generally thought to be quite extinct, is now in action. For a few days a heavy cloud, having the appearance of smoke, has been observed to hover over the summit of the mountain. Last night the mountain stood out in bold relief, unobstructed by clouds or mist, and presented a sublime and awfully grand appearance, belching forth flames and cinders that again fell in showers at a distance. The heavy bank of smoke that lowered over its top, presented the appearance of the mountain itself poised upon its apex. It is possible that another eruption may take place like that of 1843, and liquid lava be seen flowing down its sides."

From New Mexico we have intelligence to the last of October. Serious difficulties had occurred, which excited deep hostility between the American and Mexican portions of the population, and threatened to inflict lasting injury upon the country. The election for a Delegate to Congress, was held on the 1st of September. A number of Americans went to the polls at Los Ranchos, for the purpose of voting, but were refused by the Mexican authorities. Insisting upon their right a general quarrel ensued. The county judge, a Mexican named Ambrosio Armijo, ordered out a number of armed men, who killed an American named Edward Burtnett, stripping and mangling his body. An investigation was held, but without any important result. On the 23d, Mr. W. C. Skinner, who had taken an active part in the effort to bring the authors of this outrage to punishment, was at Los Ranchos, and became involved in a dispute with a Mexican, named Juan C. Armijo. As he left him a number of Armijo's peons fell upon him with clubs, and killed him on the spot. Mr. Skinner was from Connecticut, and an active opponent of the Governor in the Legislature of which he was a member. Meetings of the Americans were held, at which the conduct of the Mexicans was denounced, and the attention of the General Government at Washington, called to the condition of the territory. – Major Weightman has been elected Delegate to Congress: loud complaints are made of frauds at the election. – The new military post in the Navajo country, is at Cañon Bonito: Col. Summer and his command were in pursuit of the Indians. Two soldiers who had left Santa Fé with the mail, for the Navajo country, had not been heard from, and were supposed to have been killed. – Business was dull, and the season very wet.

SOUTH AMERICA

From Chili, we have news of another insurrection. The term of office of the late President, Gen. Bulnes, expired on the 16th of September. In August the new election had taken place, and resulted in the choice of Don Manuel Montt over his opponent, Gen. Cruz. Montt was a successful lawyer of Santiago, and had held a post in the cabinet of the former administration. He was brought forward as the candidate of the government, which rendered him exceedingly obnoxious to the people. His opponent, Gen. Cruz, had been one of the heroes of the revolution and enjoyed great popularity with the army and a large portion of the people, especially of the province of Conception, of which he was the chief officer. Fearing his influence then upon the election, the government removed him, and this created great disaffection among the people. Loud threats were heard, that Montt, who had received a very large majority, should not be inaugurated: the government, nevertheless, steadily went on with their preparations for that event. The revolt first broke out at Coquimbo, on the 8th of September, where the disaffected party deposed and banished the government officers, seized the custom-house with about $70,000, and levied forced loans from many of the wealthy inhabitants. They then seized the steamer "Fire-fly," belonging to an English gentleman, and sent her to Conception, the stronghold of Gen. Cruz, to arouse his friends to a similar movement there. An outbreak had already taken place in that department; the insurgents had been very successful – banished all the old officers, and appointed new ones, and seized the Chilian mail steamer, with $30,000 belonging to the government. Up to this time, Gen. Cruz had kept himself aloof from the movement, and had counseled his friends against it. Feeling satisfied with their success, they determined to await the action of the other provinces. Meanwhile, the government having heard of the revolt, and seeing that it was confined to these two departments, took active measures for its suppression. A detachment of infantry, consisting of 300 or 400 men, was sent to Valparaiso, but was induced to march to join the insurgents in Coquimbo. Intelligence of this defection created the most intense excitement at the Capital, and the city was at once put under martial-law, and a company of artillery was sent against the deserters, who were all brought back without bloodshed, within forty-eight hours. Their leaders were thrown into prison, and would probably be shot. Other troops were sent to the disaffected region, and the few ships belonging to the Chilian navy were sent to blockade the ports of Coquimbo and Talcahuano. Meantime, the inauguration of President Montt took place on the 18th of September, the anniversary of Chilian independence, and that day as well as the 17th, and 19th, were devoted to magnificent festivities at Santiago. Gen. Bulnes had left for Conception, to raise troops for the government on the road, and put himself at their head. There were rumors that he had been compelled to fall back, and that Gen. Cruz had put himself at the head of the movement in Conception. He had issued a proclamation to the army, and authorized a steamer to cruise in his service. At Coquimbo, Gen. Correa was in command of the insurgent forces, and it was reported that he had forced the government troops under Gen. Guzman, to fall back. The British admiral, on hearing of the seizure of the "Fire-fly" steamer, had sent two steam-frigates to recover her and demand indemnity. One of them, the Gorgon, captured her at Coquimbo, and the commander had entered into a convention with the party in power there, agreeing to raise the blockade of that port, on their agreeing to pay $30,000 indemnity to Mr. Lambert, and $10,000 as ransom for the steamer, which he had seized as a pirate, "provided the British admiral should decide that he had a right to seize her." Great dissatisfaction has been felt among the foreign residents at the terms of this convention. Both the British and American squadrons were watchfully protecting the commerce of their respective countries. The issue of the contest between the government and the insurgents has not yet reached us, but the latest advices state that the government felt confident in its ability to repress the insurrection; its strength and resources are shown by the fact that it had remitted $80,000 to England, to meet dividends and canal bonds.

We have further news of interest from Buenos Ayres. Our intelligence of last month left Oribe, with a large force, on the 30th of July, in daily expectation of having a battle with the Brazilian troops under Urquiza and Garzon – each contending for dominion over Uruguay. The contest seems to have been ended without a fight. As Oribe advanced against the allied troops, he lost his men by desertion in great numbers, and by the end of August six thousand of his cavalry had joined the standard of Urquiza, whose strength was rapidly increased. Finding the force against him to be such as to forbid all hope of a successful battle, Oribe seems to have abandoned all hope. He had made up his mind to evacuate the Oriental territory, and for that purpose had requested the French admiral to convey him, with the Argentine troops, to Buenos Ayres. This request had been refused: and this refusal led to new desertions from Oribe's force. Rosas was still in the field, but would be compelled to surrender.

MEXICO

We have intelligence from Mexico to the 15th of October. The political condition of the country was one of great embarrassment and peril. Dangers seem to threaten the country from every quarter. On the southern border is the danger growing out of the grant to the United States of right of way across the Isthmus of Tehuantepec. If the railroad is built there, it is feared that the energy and business enterprise which the Americans will infuse into that section of the country, will gradually Americanize it, and thus lead inevitably to its separation from Mexico. On the other hand, if the grant is revoked, there is great danger of war with the United States, which could end only in renewed loss of territory. Upon the northwest again, there is a prospect of invasion from California. Thousands of the adventurous inhabitants of that State are settling in the western section of Mexico and preparing the way for its separation from the central government.

A still more serious danger menaces them from the Northern departments, in which, as was mentioned in our last Number, a revolution has broken out which promises to be entirely successful. Later advices confirm this prospect. After taking Reynosa, Gen. Caravajal, the leader of the revolution, marched to Matamoras, which he reached on the 20th of October, and forthwith attacked the place, which had been prepared for an obstinate defense, under Gen. Avalos. Several engagements between the opposing forces had taken place, and the besieged army is said to have lost two hundred men. The inhabitants of Matamoras had been forced to leave, part of the town had been twice on fire, and a great amount of property was destroyed. But the city still held out.

The general government had addressed a note, through the Minister of War, under date of September 25, to the Governors of the Northern States, expressing confidence in their fidelity and urging them to spare no effort to crush the revolt. The Governors had replied to the requisitions upon them for troops, that their departments were not injured by the revolution and that they would not aid its suppression. This fact shows that the movement has decided strength among the Mexicans themselves.

The Legislature of the State of Vera Cruz has passed a resolution requesting Congress to charter a railroad from Vera Cruz to Acapulco, by way of Mexico. A good deal of hostility is evinced to a reported design of the Pope to send a nuncio to the capital. – The British Minister has demanded from Mexico a judicial decree in favor of British creditors, and has menaced the government with a blockade of their ports as the alternative. – There had been a military revolt of part of the troops in Yucatan, which had been suppressed, and six of the soldiers shot.

GREAT BRITAIN

The arrival of Kossuth and the closing of the Great Exhibition, are the two events by which the month in England has been distinguished. The great Hungarian received a very cordial welcome. He came to Gibraltar from Constantinople by the United States steam frigate Mississippi, which had been sent out by the American government to convey him to the United States. On reaching Marseilles he proposed to go through France to England, for the purpose of leaving his children there; and then to meet the Mississippi again at Gibraltar. The French government refused him permission to pass through France. The receipt of this refusal excited a good deal of feeling among the people of Marseilles, who gathered in immense numbers to testify their regard for the illustrious exile, and their regret at the action of their government. In reply to their manifestations, Kossuth addressed them a letter of thanks, which was published in Le Peuple at Marseilles. In this he merely alluded to the action of the government and assured them that he did not hold the French people responsible for it. He then proceeded in the frigate to Gibraltar, where, after staying two or three days, and receiving the utmost civilities of the British officers there, he embarked on board the British steamer Madrid, in which he reached Southampton on the 23d of October. A large concourse of people met him on the wharf and escorted him, with great enthusiasm and hearty cheering, to the residence of the mayor. In answer to the loud cheers with which he was greeted, he came out upon the balcony and briefly addressed the crowd, warmly thanking them for their welcome and expressing the profoundest gratitude to England for the aid she had given to his deliverance from prison. – The same day an address from the people of Southampton was presented to him in the Town Hall, to which he replied at some length. He spoke of the feeling with which he had always studied the character and institutions of England, and said that it was her municipal institutions which had preserved to Hungary some spirit of public life and constitutional liberty, against the hostile acts of Austria. The doctrine of centralization had been fatal to France and other European nations. It was the foe of liberty – the sure agent of absolute power. He attributed much of England's freedom to her municipal institutions. For himself, he regarded these demonstrations of respect as paid to the political principles he represented, rather than his person. He believed that England would not allow Russia to control the destinies of Europe – that her people would not assist the ambition of a few families, but the moral welfare and dignity of humanity. He hoped to see some of those powerful associations of English people, by which so much is done for political rights, directing their attention, and extending their powerful aid to Hungary. For himself life was of no value, except as he could make use of it for the liberty of his own country and the benefit of humanity. He took the expression of respect by which he had been met, as an encouragement to go on in that way which he had taken for the aim of his life, and which he hoped the blessings of the Almighty, and the sympathy of the people of England and of generous hearts all over the world, might help to carry to a happy issue. It was a much greater merit to acknowledge a principle in adversity than to pay a tribute to its success. He thanked them for their sympathy and assured them of the profound admiration he had always entertained for the free institutions of England.

On the 24th, Kossuth went to the country house of the mayor, and on the 25th attended a déjeûner at Winchester, where he made a long speech, being mainly an historical outline of the Hungarian revolution. He explained the original character of Hungary, as a constitutional monarchy, and its position between Russia, Austria, and Turkey. Its constitution was aristocratic, but its aristocracy was not rich, nor was it opposed to the constitutional rights of the people. Hungary had a parliament and county municipal institutions, and to the latter he attributed the preservation of the people's rights. All the orders of the government to any municipal magistrate, must be forwarded through county meetings, where they were discussed, and sometimes withheld. They thus formed a strong barrier against the encroachments of the government; and no county needed such a barrier more, for during more than three centuries, the House of Hapsburg had not at its head a man who was a friend to political freedom. The House of Hapsburg ruled Hungary, but only according to treaties – one of the conditions of which was, that they were to rule the people of Hungary only through Hungarian institutions, and according to its own laws. Austria had succeeded in absorbing all the other provinces connected with her – but her attempts upon Hungary had proved unsuccessful. Her constant efforts to subdue Hungary had convinced her rulers that to the nobles alone her defense ought not to be intrusted, but that all the people should have an equal interest in their constitutional rights. This was the direction of public opinion in Hungary in 1825. The first effort of the patriotic party, therefore, was to emancipate the people – to relieve the peasantry from their obligation to give 104 days out of every year to their landlords, one-ninth of their produce to their seigneur, and one-tenth to the bishop. This was only effected by slow degrees. In the long parliament, from 1832 to 1836, a measure was carried giving the peasant the right to purchase exemption from the duties with the consent of his landlord. This, however, was vetoed by the Regent. The government then set itself to work to corrupt the county constituencies, by which members of the Commons were chosen. They appointed officers to be present at every meeting, and to control every act. This system the liberal party resisted, because they wished the county meetings to be free. And this struggle went on until 1847, just before the breaking out of the French Revolution. The revolution in Vienna followed that event, and this threw all power into the hands of Kossuth and his party. He at once proposed to emancipate the peasantry, and to indemnify the landlords from the land. The measure was carried at once, through both Houses; and Kossuth and his friends then went on, to give to every inhabitant a right to vote, and to establish representative institutions, including a responsible ministry. The Emperor gave his sanction to all these laws. Yet very soon after a rebellion was incited by Austria among the Serbs, who resisted the new Hungarian government, and declared their independence. The Palatine, representing the King, called for an army to put down the rebellion, and Jellachich, who was its leader, was proclaimed a traitor. But soon successes in Italy enabled the Emperor to act more openly, and he recognized Jellachich as his friend, and commissioned him to march with an army against Hungary. He did so, but was driven back. The Emperor then appointed him governor; but the Hungarians would not receive him. Then came an open war with Austria, in which the Hungarians were successful. Reliable information was then received that Russia was about to join Austria in the war, and that Hungary had nowhere to look for aid. It was then proposed that, if Hungary was forced to contend against two mighty nations, the reward of success should be its independence. What followed, all know. He declared his belief that, but for the treason of Görgey, the Hungarians could have defeated the united armies of their foes. But the House of Hapsburg, as a dynasty, exists no more. It merely vegetates at the whim of the mighty Czar, to whom it has become the obedient servant. But if England would only say that Russia should not thus set her foot on the neck of Hungary, all might yet be well. Hungary would have knowledge, patriotism, loyalty, and courage enough to dispose of its own domestic matters, as it is the sovereign right of every nation to do. This was the cause for which he asked the generous sympathy of the English people; and he thanked them cordially for the attention they had given to his remarks.

On the same occasion Mr. Cobden spoke in favor of the intervention of England to prevent Russia from crushing Hungary, and obtaining control of Europe, and Mr. J. R. Croskey, the American Consul at Southampton, expressed the opinion that the time would come, if it had not already come, when the United States would be forced into taking more than an interest in European politics.

Kossuth again addressed the company, thanking them for the interest taken in the welfare of his unhappy country, and expressing the hope that, supported by this sympathy, the hopes expressed might be realized at no distant day. He spoke also of the different ways in which nations may promote the happiness and welfare of their people. England, he said, wants no change, because she is governed by a constitutional monarchy, under which all classes in the country enjoy the full benefits of free institutions. The consequence is, the people of England are masters of their own fates – defenders of her institutions – obedient to the laws, and vigilant in their behavior – and the country has become, and must forever continue, under such institutions, to be great, glorious, and free. Then the United States is a republic – and though governed in a different way from England, the people of the United States have no motive for desiring a change – they have got liberty, freedom, and every means for the full development of their social condition and position. Under their government, the people of the United States have, in sixty years, arrived at a position of which they may well be proud – and the English people, too, have good reason to be proud of their descendants and the share which she has had in the planting of so great a nation on the other side of the Atlantic. It was most gratifying to see so great and glorious a nation thriving under a Constitution but little more than sixty years old. It is not every republic in which freedom is found to exist, and he said he could cite examples in proof of his assertion – and he deeply lamented that there is among them one great and glorious nation where the people do not yet enjoy that liberty which their noble minds so well fit them for. It is not every monarchy that is good because under it you enjoy full liberty and freedom. Therefore he felt that it is not the living under a government called a republic, that will secure the liberties of the people, but that quite as just and honest laws may exist under a monarchy as under a republic. If he wanted an illustration, he need only examine the institutions of England and the United States, to show that under different forms of government equal liberty can and does exist. It was to increase the liberties of the people that they had endeavored to widen the basis on which their Constitution rested, so as to include the whole population, and thus give them an interest in the maintenance of social order.

M. Kossuth had visited London privately, mainly to consult a physician concerning his health, which is delicate. He intended to remain in England until the 14th of November, and then sail for New York in one of the American steamers.

The Great Exhibition was closed Oct. 15 with public ceremonies. The building was densely filled with spectators, and there was a general attendance of all who had been officially connected with the Exhibition in any way. Viscount Canning read the report of the Council of the Chairmen of Juries, rehearsing the manner in which they had endeavored to discharge the duties devolved upon them. There had been thirty-four acting juries, composed equally of British subjects and foreigners. The chairmen of these juries were formed into a Council, to determine the conditions upon which prizes should be awarded, and to secure, so far as possible, uniformity in the action of the juries. It was ultimately decided that only two kinds of medals should be awarded, one the prize medal, to be conferred wherever a certain standard of excellence in production or workmanship had been attained, and to be awarded by the juries: the other the council medal, to be awarded by the council, upon the recommendation of a jury, for some important novelty of invention or application, either in material or processes of manufacture, or originality combined with great beauty of design. The number of prize medals awarded was 2918: of council medals 170. Honorable mention was made of other exhibitors whose works did not entitle them to medals. The whole number of exhibitors was about 17,000. Prince Albert responded to this report, on behalf of the Royal Commissioners, thanking the jurors and others for the care and assiduity with which they had performed their duties, and closing with the expression of the hope that the Exhibition might prove to be a happy means of promoting unity among nations, and peace and good will among the various races of mankind. The honor of knighthood has been conferred upon Mr. Paxton, the designer of the building, Mr. Cubitt, the engineer, and Mr. Fox, the contractor. The total number of visits to the Exhibition has been 6,201,856: 466 schools and twenty-three parties of agricultural laborers have visited it. The entire sum received from the Exhibition has been £505,107 5s. 7d. of which £356,808 1s. was taken at the doors. About £90 of bad silver was taken – nearly all on the half-crown and five shilling days. Of the 170 council medals distributed 76 went to the United Kingdom, 57 to France, 7 to Prussia, 5 to the United States, 4 to Austria, 3 to Bavaria, 2 each to Belgium, Switzerland, and Tuscany, 1 each to Holland, Russia, Rome, Egypt, the East India Company, Spain, Tunis, and Turkey, and one each to Prince Albert, Mr. Paxton, Mr. Fox, and Mr. Cubitt.

The sum of £758,196 from the British revenue for the quarter ending October 11, is available toward the payment of the national debt. The sum of £3,004,048 has been appropriated to that object during the year.

The Queen returned on the 12th of October from a protracted tour in Scotland. She visited Liverpool and Manchester on her return, and in both cities was received with great enthusiasm.

Serious difficulties have arisen in Ireland out of the loans made by government to the various unions for the relief. As the time for repaying these advances comes round, the country is found to be unable to pay the taxes levied for that purpose. These rates run from five to ten shillings in the pound. In some of the unions a disposition to repudiate the debt has been shown – but this has generally proved to be only a desire to postpone it until it can be done without oppressively taxing the property. The question has excited a great deal of feeling, and the difficulty is not yet surmounted.

The public is anxiously awaiting the details of Lord John Russell's promised reform bill. It is of course understood that its leading object will be to extend the elective franchise, and the bare thought of this has stimulated the organs of Toryism to prophetic lamentations over the ruin which so radical a movement will certainly bring upon the British Empire.

English colonial affairs engage a good deal of attention. At the Cape of Good Hope the government is engaged in a war with the native Kaffirs, which does not make satisfactory progress. At the latest accounts, coming down to September 12th, the hostile natives continued to vex the frontiers, and Sir Harry Smith, the military commandant, had found it necessary to lead new forces against them. A severe battle was fought on the 1st of September, and repeated engagements had been had subsequently, in all which great injury had been inflicted upon the English troops. It was supposed that ten thousand men would be required, in addition to the force already there, to restore peace to the disaffected district. The construction of a railway through Egypt, by English capitalists, has met with serious obstacles in the refusal of the Turkish Sultan to allow his subject, the Pacha of Egypt, to treat with foreigners for the purpose of allowing the work to go on. He has, however, given the English to understand, that he is not hostile to the railway, but is only unwilling that it should become a pretext for making the Pacha independent of him. Lord Palmerston acquiesces in the justice of this view; and there will probably be no difficulty in arranging the whole matter.

FRANCE

Political affairs in France have taken a remarkable turn within the past month. The President persisted in his determination to be a candidate for re-election, and finding that he could not receive the support of the majority as the government was constituted, resolved upon a bold return to universal suffrage. Having been elected to the Presidency by universal suffrage, and finding that the restricted suffrage would ruin him, he determined to repeal the law of May, which disfranchised three millions of voters, and throw himself again upon the whole people of France. He accordingly demanded from his Ministers their consent to the abrogation of that law. They refused, and on the 14th of October all tendered their resignation. They were at once accepted by the President, but the Ministry were to retain their places until a new one could be formed. This proved to be a task of great difficulty. It was officially announced that the President was preparing his Message for the approaching session of the Assembly, and that in this document he would, first, lay down in very distinct terms, the abrogation of the law of May 31; secondly, that he will express his irrevocable resolution to maintain the policy of order, of conservation, and authority, and that he would make no concession to anarchical ideas, under whatever flag or name they may shelter themselves.

A new Ministry was definitively formed on the 27th of October, constituted as follows:

In several instances, within a few weeks past, the Republican representatives in the various departments of France, have been subjected to gross insults from the police and other agents of the government. M. Sartin, the representative for Allier, has submitted a statement to the Assembly, saying that while dining with a friend at Montlucon, two brigadiers of gendarmerie entered and told the company that, as the company exceeded fifteen, it was a political meeting within the prohibition of the government. M. Sartin produced his medal of representative of the people, and claimed immunity. He was told that no such immunity existed, except during the session of the Assembly. Quite a scuffle ensued, in which one or two persons were wounded. These proceedings soon collected a crowd, and the people declared that no more arrests should be made. Several squadrons of cavalry soon arrived, and as the result, thirteen persons were sent to prison. – In Saucerre also, the magistrates having arrested three persons, one of whom was the former mayor, the inhabitants rose and attempted a rescue. The military in the neighborhood collected and dispersed the crowd, twenty-six of whom were arrested and committed to prison.

SOUTHERN EUROPE

There is no news of special interest from Southern Europe. We have already noticed the letters of Mr. Gladstone to Lord Aberdeen, exposing the abominations of the Neapolitan government, in its persecution of state prisoners – together with the official reply which the King of Naples has caused to be made to it. Lord Palmerston sent a copy of Mr. Gladstone's letters to the British representatives at each European Court, with instructions to lay them before the Court to which he was accredited. The Neapolitan Minister in London sent to Lord Palmerston a book written in reply to Mr. Gladstone's letters, by an English gentleman named M'Farlane, and requested him to send this also to those British representatives who had been furnished with the other. Lord P. replied to this request in a spirited letter, declaring his object to have been to arouse the public sentiment of Europe against the cruelties and outrageous violations of law and justice of which the government of Naples is constantly guilty, and saying that the King of Naples was very much mistaken, if he believed public opinion could be controlled or changed by such a pitiful diatribe as that of Mr. M'Farlane. The only way of conciliating the sentiment of Europe upon this subject, was by remedying the evils which had excited its indignation. The Courts of Germany, Austria, and Russia, to which Mr. Gladstone's letters were sent, have complained of this act as an unwarrantable interference, on the part of Lord Palmerston, with the internal administration of Naples. In the German Diet, at Frankfort, Count Thun protested against the course pursued by the British Minister, and maintained that to criticise the criminal justice of other countries is a most flagrant breach of the rights of nations. If English statesmen could interfere with the conduct of the King of Naples, for imprisoning men for supporting the Constitution which he had sworn to maintain, they might also interfere with the violations of their oaths, as well as of justice, of which the governments of Austria, Saxony, Baden, and other countries had been guilty; and then, said he, what was to become of kingly freedom and independence? The Diet, on his motion, resolved to express to the British Minister their astonishment at the course the British government had pursued.

In Prussia vigorous preparations are made for anticipated difficulties in France in the spring of 1852, after the Presidential election. The troops of all the German states are to be put on a full war establishment, and to be ready for immediate action early in the spring. The western fortresses have received orders to be in readiness for war.

A general Congress has been held of representatives from the several German states, to make some common arrangement for the management of the electric telegraph. They have agreed that all messages shall be forwarded without interruption, that a common scale of charges shall be adopted, and that the receipts shall go into a common fund, to be distributed among the several states in proportion to the number of miles of telegraphic communication running through them.

The German Diet has resolved that the annexation of the Prussian Polish provinces to the confederation two years ago, was illegal and void. It has also determined to take into consideration the claims of the Ritter party in Hanover, to have the abolition of their nobility privileges revoked. This abolition was effected during the recent revolutions, but it was done in a perfectly legal manner.

The Emperor of Austria, not long since, wrote a letter to Prince Schwartzenberg, stating that the Ministry would henceforth be responsible to him alone, and that he would answer for the government. This declaration, that the government was hereafter to be absolute, excited deep feeling throughout the country, and it was supposed that it might lead to a political crisis. On the 11th of October, however, the Ministers took the oath of obedience to the Emperor, under this new definition of their powers and responsibilities. The Emperor recently visited Lombardy, where he had a very cold reception.

In Spain changes have been made in the administration of the island of Cuba. A Colonial Council has been created, which is to have charge of all affairs relating to the colonial possessions, except such as are specially directed by other Ministers. The Captain-general of each colony is to conduct its affairs under the direction of the Council. It is said that the Spanish Government intends to relax its customs regulations in favor of England.

From India and the East late intelligence has been received. The Indian frontier continued undisturbed: the troops suffered greatly from sickness. There had been an outbreak in Malabar, which caused great loss of life. The rebellion in China still goes on, but details of its progress are lacking.

Editor's Table

Time and Space – what are they? Do they belong to the world without, or to the world within, or to some mysterious and inseparable union of both departments of being? We hope the reader will be under no alarm from such a beginning, or entertain any fear of being treated to a dish of indigestible metaphysics. The terms we have placed at the head of our Editor's Table, as suggestive of appropriate thoughts for the closing month of the year, are, indeed, the deepest in philosophy. In all ages have they been the watchwords of the schools. Aristotle failed in the attempt to measure them. Kant acknowledged his inability to fathom the profundity of their significance. And yet there are none, perhaps, that enter more into the musings of that common philosophy which is for all minds, for all ages, and for all conditions in life. Who has not thought on the enigma of time and space, each baffling every effort the mind may make for its pure and perfect conception without some aid from the notion of its inseparable correlative? Where is the man, or child even, who has not been drawn to some contemplation of that wondrous stream on whose bosom we are sailing, but of which we can conceive neither origin nor outlet; that mysterious river ever sweeping us along as by some irresistible outward force, and yet seeming to be so strangely affected by the internal condition of each soul that is voyaging upon its current – at one time the scenery upon its banks gliding by with a placid swiftness that arrests the attention even of the least reflective – at another, the mind recalled from a reverie which has seemingly carried us onward many a league from the last remembered observation of our mental longitude, but only to discover, with surprise, that the objects on either shore have hardly receded a perceptible distance in the perspective of our spiritual panorama. We have passed the equinoctial line, and are under fair sail for the enchanted kingdom of Candaya, when, like Don Quixotte and Sancho on the smooth-flowing Ebro, we start up to find the rocks and trees, and all the familiar features of the same old "real world" yet full in sight, and that we have scarcely drifted a stone's throw from the point of our departure. It is astonishing to what a distance the mental wanderings may extend in the briefest periods. The idea was never better expressed than by a pious old deacon, who used most feelingly to lament this sin of wandering thoughts in the midst of holy services. Between the first and fourth lines of a hymn, he would say, the soul may rove to the very ends of the earth. The fixed outward measure arresting the attention by its marked commencement and its closing cadence, presented the extent of such subjective excursions in their most startling light. Childhood, too, furnishes vivid illustrations of the same psychological phenomena – childhood, that musing introspective period, which, on some accounts, may be regarded as the most metaphysical portion of human life. Who has not some reminiscences of this kind belonging to his boyish existence? How in health the morning has seemed to burst upon him in apparent simultaneousness with the moment when his head first dropped upon the pillow, and he has wondered to think how mysteriously he had leaped the interval which unerring outward indications had compelled him to assign to the measured continuity of his existence! How has he, on the other hand, in sickness, marked the unvaried ticking of the clock through the long dark night, and fancied that the slow-pacing hours would never flee away. His one sense and thought of pain, had arrested the current of his being, and even the outer world seemed to stand still, as though in sympathy with the suspended movement of his own inner life. In experiences such as these, the mind of the child has been brought directly upon the deepest problem in psychology. He has been on the shore of the great mystery, and Kant, and Fichte, and Coleridge could go no farther, except, it may be, to show how utterly unfathomable for our present faculties, the mystery is. Philosophy comes back ever to the same unexplained position. She can not conceive of mind as existing out of time and space, and she can not well conceive of time and space as wholly separate from the idea of successive thought, or, in other words, a perceiving and measuring mind.

Such phenomena present themselves in our most ordinary existence. Let a man be in the habit of tracing back his roving thoughts, until he connects them with the last remembered link from which the wandering reverie commenced, and he will be amazed to find how long a time may in a few moments have passed through the mind. The minute hand has barely changed its position, and not only images and thoughts, but hopes, and fears, and moral states have been called out, which, under other circumstances, might have occupied an outward period extending it in almost any assignable ratio. Indeed it is impossible to assign any limit here. As far as our moral life is measured by actual spiritual exercise, a man may sin as much in a minute as, at another time, in a day. He may have had, in the same brief interval, a heaven of love and joy, which, in a different inward condition of the spirit, months and years would hardly have sufficed to realize.

Such cases are familiar to all reflective minds. Even as they take place in ordinary health, they may well produce the conviction, that there are mysteries enough for our study in our most common experience, without resorting to mesmerism or spiritual rappings. It is, however, in sickness, that such phenomena assume their most startling aspect, and furnish subjects of the most serious thought. The apparent decay of the mind in connection with that of the body – the apparent injuries the one sustains from the maladies of the other, have furnished arguments for the infidel, and painful doubts for the unwilling skeptic. But there is another aspect to facts of this kind. They sometimes show themselves in a way which must be more startling to the materialist than to the believer. They furnish evidence that the present body, instead of being essential to the spirit's highest exercises, is only its temporary regulator, intended for a period to limit its powers, by keeping them in enchained harmony with that outer world of nature in which the human spirit is to receive its first intellectual and moral training. If it does not originate the law of successive thought, it governs and measures its movement. Through the dark closet to which it confines the soul, images and ideas are made to pass, one by one, in orderly march; and while the body is in health, and does not sleep, and holds steady intercourse with the world around us, it performs this restraining and regulative office with some good degree of uniformity. Viewed merely in reference to its own inner machinery, the clock may have any kind or degree of movement. It may perform the apparent revolutions of days and years, in seconds and fragments of seconds. But attach to it a pendulum of a proper length, and its rates are immediately adjusted to the steady course of external nature. The new regulative power is determined by the mass and gravity of the earth. It is what the diurnal rotation causes it to be. The latter, again, is linked with the annual revolution, and this, again, with some far-off millennial, or millio-millennial, cycle of the sun, and so on, until the little time-piece on our Editor's Table, is in harmony with the magnus annus, the great cosmical year, the one all-embracing time of the universe. The regulative action of the body upon the soul, although far less uniform, presents a fair analogy. In ordinary health, the measured flow of thought and feeling will bear some relation to the circulation of the blood, the course of respiration, and those general cycles of the body, or human micro-cosmos, which have acquired and preserved a steady rate of movement. It is true that there are times, even in health, when the thoughts burst from this regulative control, imparting their own impetus to the nervous fluid, giving a hurried agitation to the quick-panting breath, and sending the blood in maddened velocity through the heart and veins. But it is in sickness that such a breaking away from the ordinary check becomes most striking. The pendulum removed, or the spring broken, how rapidly spin round the whizzing wheels by which objective time is measured. And so of our spiritual state. In that harmony between the inward and the outward, in which health consists, we are insensible to the presence of the regulative power. In the slightest sicknesses we feel the dragging chain, and time moves slow, and sometimes almost stops. It is in this crisis of severe disease that a deeper change takes place. Some link is snapped; and then how inconceivably rapid may be, and sometimes is, the course of thought. Now the long-buried past comes up, and moves before us, not in slow succession, but in that swift array which would seem to place it altogether upon the canvas. At other times, the soul goes out into a self-created future; a dream it may be called, but having, as far as the spirit is concerned, no less of authentic moral and intellectual interest on that account. Suppose even the whole physical world to be all a dream. What then? No article of moral truth would be in the least changed; joy and suffering, right and wrong, would be no less real. Might they not be regarded as even the more tremendously real, from the very fact that they would be, in that case, the only realities in the universe? Nothing here is really gained by any play upon that most indefinable of all terms – reality. If that is real which most deeply affects us, and enters most intimately into our conscious being, then in a most real sense may it be affirmed, that years sometimes pass in the crisis of a fever, and that a life-time – an intellectual and a moral life-time – may be lived in what, to spectators, may have seemed to have been but a moment of syncope, or of returning sensibility to outward things. Such facts should startle us. They give us a glimpse of those fearful energies which even now the spirit possesses, and which may exhibit themselves with a thousand-fold more power, when all the balance-wheels and regulating pendulums shall have been taken off, and the soul left to develop that higher law of its being which now remains, in a great degree, suspended and inert, like the chemist's latent heat and light.

In illustration of such a view, we might refer to recorded facts having every mark of authenticity. They come to as from all ages. There is the strange story which Plutarch gives us of the trance of Thespesius, and of the immense series of wonders he witnessed during the short period of apparent death. Strikingly similar to this is that remarkable account of Rev. William Tennent which must be familiar to most of our readers. Something analogous is reported of that strange inner life to which we lately called attention in the account of Rachel Baker. To the same effect the story, told by Addison, we think, of the Dervise and his Magic Water, possessed of such wondrous properties, that the moment between the plunging and the withdrawing of the head, became, subjectively, a life-time filled with events of most absorbing interest. But that may be called an Oriental romance. Another instance we would relate from our own personal acquaintance with the one who was himself the subject of a similar supercorporeal and supersensual action of the spirit. He was a man bearing a high reputation for piety and integrity. It was at the close of a day devoted to sacred services of an unusually solemn kind that he related to us what, in the familiar language of certain denominations of Christians, might be called his religious experience. It was, indeed, of no ordinary nature, and there was one part, especially, which made no ordinary impression on our memory. We can only, in the most rapid manner, touch upon the main facts, as they bear upon the thoughts we have been presenting. In the crisis of a violent typhus fever, during a period which could not have occupied, at the utmost, more than half an hour, a subjective life was lived, extending not merely to hours and days, but through long years of varied and most thrilling experience. He had traveled to foreign lands, and encountered every species of adventure. He had amassed wealth and lost it. He had formed new social bonds with their natural accompaniments of joy and grief. He had committed crimes and suffered for them. He had been in exile, cast out, and homeless. He had been in battle and in shipwreck. He had been sick and recovered. And, finally, he had died, and gone to judgment, and received the condemnation of the lost. Ages had passed in outer darkness, during all which the exercises of the soul were as active, and as distinct, and as coherently arranged, as at any period of his existence. At length a fairly perceptible beam of light, coming seemingly from an immense distance, steals faintly into his prison-house. Nearer, and nearer still, it comes, although years and years are occupied with its slow, yet steady approach. But it does increase. Fuller, and clearer, and higher, grows the light of hope, until all around him, and above him, is filled with the benign glory of its presence. He dares once more look upward, and as he does so, he beholds beaming upon him the countenance of his watching friend, bending over him with the announcement that the crisis is past, and that coolness is once more returning to his burning frame. Only a prolonged dream, it might perhaps be said. But dreams in general run parallel with the movement of outward time, or if they do go beyond it, it is never by any such enormously magnified excess. But besides the apparent length of such a trance, there was also this striking and essential difference. Dreams may be more or less vivid; but all possess this common character, that in the waking state we immediately recognize them as dreams; and this not merely by way of inference from our changed condition, but because, in themselves, they possess that unmistakably subjective, or dream-like aspect, we can never separate from their outward contemplation. They almost immediately put on the dress of dreams. The air of reality, so fresh on our first awakening, begins straightway to gather a shade about it. As they grow dimmer and dimmer, the very effort at recalling only drives them farther off, and renders them more indistinct, just as certain optical delusions ever melt away from the gaze that is directed most steadily toward them. Thus the phantoms of our sleep dissolve rapidly "into thin air." As we strive to hold fast their features in the memory, they vanish farther and farther from the view, until we can just discern their pale, ghostly forms receding, in the distance, through the "gate of horn" into the land of irrecoverable oblivion. This characteristic of ordinary dreaming has ever furnished the ground of a favorite comparison both in sacred and classical poetry – "Like a vision of the night" – "As a dream when one awaketh" – "Like a morning dream" —

Tenuesque recessit in auras —

Par levibus ventis, volucrique simillima somno.

But these visions of the trance, are, in this respect, of a different, as well as deeper, nature. The subject of our narrative most solemnly averred that the scenes and feelings of this strange experience were ever after not only real in appearance, but the most vividly real of any part of his remembered existence. They never passed away into the place and form of dreams. He knew they were subjective, but only from outward testimony, and for some time even this was hardly sufficient to prevent the deep impression exhibiting itself in his speech and intercourse with the world to which he had returned. To his deeper consciousness they ever seemed realities, ever to form a part of his most veritable being. Our common dreams are more closely connected with the outer world, and the nearest sphere of sensation. They are generally suggested by obscurely felt bodily impressions. They belong to a state semi-conscious of the presence of things around us. But the others come from a deeper source. They are not