Birney, William, James G. Birney and his Times, p. 133.
417
Ibid., p. 182. The interesting story of Birney and his troubles with his fellow townsmen does not come within the scope of this investigation and will be found treated at length in William Birney's James G. Birney and His Times.
418
Birney, William, James G. Birney and his Times, p. 185.
419
Ibid., p. 155.
420
Birney, William, James G. Birney and his Times, p. 156.
421
Quick to recognize this tendency, Clay referred to it in his Senate speech of February 7, 1839:
"The proposition in Kentucky for gradual emancipation did not prevail, but it was sustained by a large and respectable minority. That minority had increased, and was increasing, until the abolitionists commenced their operations. The effect has been to dissipate all prospects whatever, for the present, of any scheme of gradual or other emancipation. The people of that state have been shocked and alarmed by these abolition movements, and the number who would now favor a system even of gradual emancipation is probably less than it was in the years 1798-9. At the session of the legislature held in 1837-8 the question of calling a convention was submitted to a consideration of the people by a law passed in conformity with the Constitution of that state. Many motives existed for the passage of the law, and among them that of emancipation had its influence. When the question was passed upon by the people at their last annual election, only about one fourth of the whole voters of the state supported a call of a convention. The apprehension of the danger of abolition was the leading consideration among the people for opposing the call. But for that, but for the agitation of the question of abolition in states whose population had no right, in the opinion of the people of Kentucky, to interfere in the matter, the vote for a convention would have been much larger, if it had not been carried.... Prior to the agitation of this subject of abolition, there was a progressive melioration in the condition of the slaves—schools of instruction were opened by humane and religious persons. These are now all checked, and a spirit of insubordination having shown itself in some localities, traceable, it is believed, to abolition movements and exertions, the legislative authority has found it expedient to infuse fresh vigor into the police and the laws which regulate the conduct of the slaves."—Colton, Reed & McKinley, Works of Henry Clay, Vol. 6, pp. 153-154.
422
Niles' Register, July 4, 1835.
423
Shaler, N. S., Kentucky, p. 197.
424
Louisville Weekly Journal, September 26, 1849.
425
Niles' Register, May 9, 1849. Clay, Cassius, Memoirs, pp. 175-178. Collins, History of Kentucky, Vol. 1, p. 59.
426
Clay endeavored in his plan to be fair to all parties concerned, not only the Negro but the slave owner as well, as is well evident in the following paragraph, in which he sought to show the justice of his scheme to the holders of Negroes in the State:
"That the system, will be attended with some sacrifices on the part of the slaveholders, which are to be regretted, need not be denied. What great and beneficent enterprise was ever accomplished without risk and sacrifice! But these sacrifices are distant, contingent, and inconsiderable. Assuming the year 1860 for the commencement of the system, all slaves born prior to that time would remain such during their lives, and the present loss of the slaveholder would be only the difference in value of the female slave whose offspring, if she had any, born after the first day of January, 1860, should be free at the age of twenty-five or should be slaves for life. In the meantime, if the right to remove or sell the slave out of the State should be exercised, that trifling loss would not be incurred. The slaveholder, after the commencement of the system, would lose the difference between the value of the slaves for life and slaves until the age of twenty-five years. He might also incur some inconsiderable expense in rearing from their birth the issue of those who were to be free at twenty-five, until they were old enough to be apprenticed out; but as it is probable that they would be most generally bound to him, he would receive some indemnity from their services until they attained their majority."
427
Collins, History of Kentucky, Vol. 1, p. 58.
428
Niles' Register, February 21, 1849.
429
We know how Clay felt about this matter, for he referred to it at length in his speech in the Senate on February 20, 3850, in the debate on the Compromise resolutions. Speaking particularly of his letter of emancipation he declared: "I knew at the moment that I wrote that letter in New Orleans, as well as I know at this moment, that a majority of the people of Kentucky would not adopt my scheme, or probably any project whatever of gradual emancipation. Perfectly well did I know it; but I was anxious that, if any of my posterity, or any human being who comes after me, should have occasion to look into my sentiments, and ascertain what they were on this great institution of slavery; to put them on record then; and ineffectual as I saw the project would be, I felt it was a duty which I owed to myself, to truth, to my country, and to my God, to record my sentiments. The State of Kentucky has decided as I anticipated she would do. I regret it; but I acquiesce in her decision." —Colton, Reed & McKinley, Works of Henry Clay, Vol. 3, p. 353
430
Collins, History of Kentucky, Vol. 1, p. 61.
431
Ibid., Vol. 1, p. 83.
432
Session Laws of 1863, p. 366.
433
Ibid., 1856, Vol. 1, p. 50.
434
Maysville Eagle, April 11, 1838.
435
MacDonald, Trade, Politics and Christianity in Africa and the East, Chapter on inter-racial marriage, p. 239; and The Journal of Negro History, pp. 329, 334-344.
436
Report of First Race Congress, 1911, p. 330; MacDonald, Trade, Politics, and Christianity, p. 235; and Contemporary Review, August, 1911.
437
Report of First Races Congress, 1911, p. 330.
438
Johnston, The Negro in the New World, p. 98.
439
Ibid., p. 78.
440